
EORQIA'S 

TioNAL Work. 



pat it Has Been: 
^at it Should Be : 



nd's History" 

CORRECTED, Etc. 



By W„ A. CANDLER, D, D, 



* eT»rT»J-r***-ilMfr«.i . ;i>a tl. ; ' J t^** \ ty.yi9i-i 



1 LIBRARY 

! Wm STATES BUREAU OF EDUCATION, 

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. 




19.'33 I)— 20 m 



■A^ 



Nzrz 



GEORGIS'S EDUCATIONllL WORK 



f<'- 



WHAT IT HAS BEEN; WHAT IT SHOULD BE. 



'HAMMOND'S HISTORY" CORRECTED, ETC 



BY W. A, CANDLER, D. D., 

President of Emory College, Oxford Georgia. 



^^^i/r 10 1624 >^ 



ATLANTA, GA.: 
THE FOOTE & DAVIES CO. 



•5 

'Clio 



o/^- 



■^/-^^ 



A WORD PERSONAL AND PREFATORY. 



In 1881 a policy of unfairness towards sister institutions 
of learning in the State was begun by the University at 
Athens. To carry it out for the first year, an appropriation 
of $2,000 was sought and obtained from the legislature, this 
being about the amount collected from tuition fees before 
the free tuition policy was inaugurated. For subsequent 
years a "companion piece" of legislation (so Col. Ham- 
mond of the University Board of Trustees calls it) was 
secured in the form of the funding bill of 1881, which 
operates to secure indirectly an annual appropriation of 
above .$8,000 for at least fifty years. 

The Board of Visitors to the University for the year 
1881 disclosed the purpose of the whole scheme in two 
paragraphs of their report to the Governor. They made 
in urging the adoption of the scheme two notable points. 

1. They said : "The first result will be a large increase 
of students at Athens from the ranks of the freshman 
and sophomore classes in the branch colleges. " 

2. They said : " This step " [referring to the effort then 
being made by the Baptists and Methodists to thoroughly 
endow Mercer and Emory] "is rendered absolutely neces- 
sary by the inroads which the branch colleges of the 
University under the free tuition system will certainly 
Tnake upon the patronage of both those excellent liter?ry 
foundations" i. e., upon tl^e patronage of Emory and 
Mercer. 

Here then was the scheme : Let the University draw 
•ofiP the patronage of its own branches and they in turn ^ 
draw off the patronage of the church colleges. To carry 
it out money was necessary and bills were pushed through 
the legislature in the following September to take from 
the State treasury $2,000 directly for the first year, and 
upwards of $8,000 indirectly every year for fifty years 



thereafter. Thus the sinews of war were to be supplied ta 
carry on the fight upon the church schools. . . ^ , 

The scheme did not succeed as well as was anticipated, 
and when the first lease of the Western and Atlantic Rail- 
way was nearing its expiration a new plan was sprung. 
An effort was made to secure a part of the rental under 
the second lease for the further increase of the annua in- 
come of the University and for the establishment of 
branch colleges in the ten congressional districts of the 
State In this way the University would have been able 
to accomplish a sort of educational monopoly at the ex- 
pense of every other college in the State, male and female 
for the branch colleges were to be opened to girls. It wii 
be observed that the money was to come from the rental 
of the Western and Atlantic Railway and not out of taxes, 
though of course it would have amomited to the same 
thing in its cost to the people. It is a notable fact that 
by the act of December 21, 1821, by which what is cal ed 
"the debt due the University" was created, and by the 
funding act of September, 1881, and by the bill of 1889, the 
treasury of the State has been approached by the friends 
of the University through measures of such form as to 
arouse as little fear as possible concerning the cost to the 

^""in^^his connection I may make a brief digression to say 
the Educational Bill of 1889 (which was defeated) did not 
propose any increased aid to the common schools. It 
proposed to give them, as was already provided by law, 
half the rental of the Western & Atlantic Railway. This 
also might be regarded as a prudential feature m the bill 
to conciliate popular favor. It was an unnecessary provision- 
While the measure was pending in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, the president of Mercer University and myself 
were invited to address the General Assembly upon the 
subject of Higher Education. The friends of the pending 
measure-at least some of them-were not pleased that 
we should be invited to speak. They could not well make 



open opposition in the Legislature to the joint resolution 
•of invitation, but privately and in the columns of the 
newspapers they expressed their disapproval, and when 
on the morning before we were to speak at 8 p.m., the 
Senate sent to the House, asking its concurrence a resolu- 
tion convening the General Assembly for the purpose of 
hearing our addresses, it was staved off with a parliamentary 
technicality and was never acted upon, though if it had 
been allowed to reach a vote, it would have been adopted 
in less than two minutes. But despite the unwillingness 
of these persons that we should have a full hearing, we 
were heard. We did not impertinently discuss the details 
of any measure pending in the legislature, but confined 
our remarks to the general principles of the subject. 

Our addresses were stenographically reported, and mine 
was printed in pamphlet form, as it appears in Chapter 
I of this volume. On August 8th, Hon. N. J. Hammond, 
•Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the University, 
addressed the General Assembly, and in the course of his 
remarks, was candid enough to admit that at least a part 
of his address was made because our addresses had been 
delivered. Though he freely discussed some of my utter- 
ances, I was willing to rest the case without further de- 
bate in newspapers or elsewhere. 

On August 30th, I addressed by invitation an education, 
al mass meeting, held in Putnam county, under the 
auspices of the County Alliance. At the conclusion of my 
address on that occasion, the following resolution was of- 
fered and unanimously adopted : 

''Whereas, the views of President Candler, of Emory 
College, on education by the State, as expressed in his 
recent address before the General Assembly, and in his 
remarks before this meeting to-day, seem to be in accord 
with the views of the Farmers' Alliance upon this subject. 

Resolved, That we request him to enlarge upon these 
views in a letter, or series of letters, addressed to the people 
of Georgia, in which he is requested to state what amounts 
iiave first and last been expended by the State for common 



6 

schools, and what for higher education ; what debt, if any,, 
the State owes the University at Athens, and what, in his 
judgment, should be the educational policy of the State."' 

In response to this request, I prepared and published 
through the Atlanta Constitution the letter which makes 
the second chapter of this volume. It is printed just as 
it appeared in that paper. The essential facts and con- 
clusions of that letter have never been successfully con- 
troverted, and as Hon. N. J. Hammond truly says: "it 
aided to defeat the bill," to which reference has been 
mad9. 

The letter was widely read, and not a few writers and 
speakers have since drawn data from it. Because of the- 
influence of this letter, I have been much abused in some 
quarters, and early in the month of May, 1893, Hon. N. J. 
Hammond stepped back the distance of a hundred years 
into the constitutional history of the United States and 
Georgia to get a running start to overcome that letter and 
its influence, by a series of letters printed in the Atlanta 
Constitution. 

He raised much dust along the way about Dr. Franklin, 
prayers, oaths, liberty of conscience, etc. ; but finally, when 
he reached the matter he was driving for from the first, 
like the boy in the fable, he fell into the stream he sought- 
to leap across. "Circumstances compelled the closing of 
his weekly articles" after only a few letters ha^l passed 
between us in the columns of the Constitution. But, un- 
disturbed by his fall, he has gathered up his letters, re- 
vised and enlarged them by about fifty additional pages, 
tacked on to them two of his speeches and out of the 
whole has perpetrated a small book. As my utterances 
furnished the text for most of what his booklet contains, I 
have thought that perhaps I owed him the service of put- 
ting some of my writings together, that the public might 
be able to find out what he is after. Accordingly, I have- 
arranged the following brief chapters for the accomoda- 
tion of Col. Hammond's readers, and to help, as far as I 



may the people to understand properly the educational 
situation in Georgia. I have not felt it necessary to add 
anything beyond some foot notes in reply to what Col. 
Hammond has put in his book, but which did not appear 
in his letters to the Constitution. His added matter is in 
this way easily disposed of. 

For good reasons I have added an appendix which will 
be found to contain valuable information on the general 
subject of education. 

The foregoing statement is made to explain the origin 
of this book and the reason for its publication. If care- 
fully read, this little volume will be found to contain a 
very full statement of " Georgia's Educational Work." 



CHAPTER I. 



HIGQER EDUCATION. 



AN ADDRESS DELIVERED IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF 
REPKESENTATIVES, ATLANTA, JULY 23d. 



Mr. President and Gentlemen of the General Assembly: 

I am glad to have the opportunity of speaking to this 
body, at this time, upon this great subject. I can almost 
go the length of a hearty Georgian, who said to me to-day : 
"You speak to the cleanest legislature, in the cleanest cap- 
itol, of the cleanest commonwealth, of the cleanest union, 
on the cleanest continent of the cleanest planet in the uni- 
verse." (Applause and laughter.) 

I speak from a standpoint that may bring a phase of the 
subject before you, which, otherwise, might escape your at- 
tention : from the standpoint of one who presides over a 
religious institution. Mr. President, the church in the 
United States (meaning by that, all the churches), has a 
right to be heard upon this subject, and her opinions are 
much to be valued, for she may be regarded as an expert 
in higher education, however unable she may be to take 
care of the primary schools. 

There are 365 colleges and universities in the United 
States, according to the recent report of the National Com- 
missioner of Education. We have one for every day in 
the year. Of these 365 institutions, 278 belong to the 
churches of America; of the 65,000 college students of the 
United States, more than 50,000 are in church schools.* 
These colleges, gentlemen, do not ask of the State, appro- 



*Tlie cause of higher education would go forward in the United 
States if no State appropriations were ever again made to it. 



9 

priatioiis or other help, but they do ask of the State that 
she will give them the protection of good government, and 
enact no legislation unfriendly to them. They think they 
have a right to ask this much. They know they serve the 
country well. 

I cannot speak definitely of all of them, but I am sure 
you will pardon me if I speak definitely of the institution 
over which I have the honor to preside, and from which I 
was graduated. She graduated her first class in 1841, and 
except during the four years of the war when her boys 
were off at the front, she has graduated a class every year 
since that time, until at length she has graduated 1,000 
Georgians. I do not think they have been worse citizens, 
or worse statesmen, or worse soldiers, or worse anything 
that it is good for men and citizens to be, because they 
learned science at a religious school. I do not think that 
L. Q. C. Lamar, Associate Justice of the United States, is 
any the worse judge to-night because on another night un- 
der the oak trees of Emory's campus, he found God as a 
personal Savior, and thereafter continued the study of 
science under the inspiration of Christianity. I do not 
think that the Hon. John T. Clark, whom all Georgians 
mourn to-day,* who preached righteousness as a preacher, 
who stood up against a military commander and refused 
to bend the civil law to usurping military authority — I 
do not think he was any the worse judge because he learned 
science at Mercer's altars. (Applause.) 

The religious colleges have done well for the State. I 
observe that Emory college has graduated 5S college pres- 
idents and pi ofessors. It may serve to give you some com- 
prehension of how much she has done on this line, to com- 
pare her work with other institutions. 1 wish I had the 
figures for all, but I have not. Up to 1875 — I think it was 
that year Chancellor Tucker delivered an address in which 
he said the University of Georgia had graduated 30 presi- 



*T]ie news of the sudden death of Judge John T. Clark by a rail- 
way accident had just reached Atlanta. 



10 

dents and professors of colleges. Emory has graduated 15 
circuit judges, two judges of State Supreme courts, one 
judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, 15 con- 
gressmen, 2 bishops, 5 generals of the confederate army 
and 10 foreign missionaries. She is doing this country 
good, and extending her influence beyond the seas. She 
is serving the State and it is costing the State nothing ; she 
gives ))ut asks nothing in return, save that she shall be 
protected by the law, and not hindered by any unfriendly 
influence or legislation. Can the State, can anybody in 
the State who really loves the State, whatever may be his 
theory of education, refuse to foster these religious insti- 
tutions that do the work of higher education as well as 
any and cost the State nothing for the doing of it? 

I have had some opportunity to observe the educational 
interests of Georgia, and I love the cause. I have been 
observing the work of Emory College and of the other col- 
leges in Georgia since I was a boy ; for when a college boy 
I wrote articles in the newspapers, pressing this cause of 
education. To this cause I have given mind and money 
since I came to manhood. You will pardon me for saying 
that I have not been able to accomplish a gross income 
for all the years of my life, of as much as $15,000, but I 
have laid down $1,000 of it for the cause of higher educa- 
tion in Georgia. It cannot be said, therefore, that I have 
been an indifferent observer of this great work and of the 
best method of accomplishing that which we ail desire, the 
most and the best education for all the people, I beg you 
to believe me, as I address you to-night, to be the friend 
and advocate of higher education in the best sense of the 
word. 

It was upon this question of higher education, I was 
invited to speak to you, and I suppose you mean that I 
shall speak upon that question as it presents itself to-day, 
with the conditions in Georgia such as they are. We are 
not here to discuss this question as we might have dis- 
cussed it had we been with the fathers away back in the 



11 

latter part of the last century. The question is not what 
it was then. We are not here to discuss it as we may dis- 
cuss it twenty years hence: the conditions will have- 
changed ; our financial condition, our educational status, 
all that goes to shape our educational policy — all will 
have changed by then. But as we have it to-day, what is^ 
the best way of fostering higher education in Georgia?" 
My opinion is, the best way to do this, is to appropriate 
every dollar that you have to appropriate to education, to- 
the education of the common people — to our common^ 
schools. (Applause.) 

Two theories of education exist in the minds of men -, 
good men, honest men in Georgia to-day. One theory is,. 
that we should begin at the top and reach downward ; the- 
other theory is that we should begin at the bottom and 
work upward. The first theory has had a long trial. It- 
was begun before the close of the last century. In 1785^ 
40,000 acres of land were voted to establish a seminary of 
learning for higher education ; 5,000 of these acres were- 
lost by the treaty of Beaufort. The 35,000 remaining were- 
sold mostly for notes of hand, secured by mortgage and 
personal security. They did not realize interest. The 
funds were incompetent for the work of the college which 
was in due time begun. The State came in and said to the- 
trustees at their request, "If you want to subscribe for 
bank stocks, and you cannot realize on these.notes,bring them 
up, and I will furnish ready money to the amount of two- 
thirds the value of them." Accordingly, the State advanced. 
$100,000 to the college, which amount was invested in bank 
stock. Subsequently, (in 1821) the friends of the school 
secured the passage of a bill by which the State agreed ta 
see that bank stock always yielded $8,000 by making up the- 
deficiency from the State treasury whenever the dividend 
fell short of this figure. So that has been continued 
through the years until upwards of $500,000 has been thus- 
paid to the University. When a difficulty has arisen,, 
additional relief has been provided by the legislature ia 



12 

one way or another ; now a loan, now a gift for repairs, 
now one thing and now another, until I find by a recent 
publication of the Educational Bureau at Washington, 
•our University has come to a point where according to its 
centennial catalogue, it owns property estimated as worth 
$668,000.00 and has an annual income of over $30,000. 
Has all this produced common schools? I think we are 
all familiar enough with the facts to know this method 
has not built up the common schools. Virginia tried the 
•same policy with much the same result. The University 
of Virginia has had under its tuition 9,000 students, and it 
has made in the course of its history only about 500 teach- 
ers, according to a recent publication of the Bureau of 
■Education at Washington, a publication entitled: "Thos. 
Jefferson and the University of Virginia." It has pro- 
•duced in that time about 2,000 lawyers, but they won't 
teach school. (Laughter.) This process does not make 
teachers, but does create a ruling class. Mr. Jefferson saw 
the difficulty, and so he wrote to his friend, Joseph Cabell, 
Jan, 13th, 1823. "Were it necessary to give up either the 
primaries or the University, I would rather abandon the 
latter, because it is safer to have the whole people respect- 
ably enlightened, than a few in a high state of science and 
the many in ignorance. This last is the most dangerous 
state in which a nation can be. The nations and the 
governments of Europe are so many proofs of it." Mr. 
Jefferson was right, and our experiment has confirmed the 
wisdom of his words. 

We shall not be able to lift the common school from 
above, but by getting down under the common school, we 
shall be able to lift it up, and all that is above it. We 
may lift in the middle and prize the ujDper part of our 
population higher and press the lower part lower, until 
there shall be a yawning chasm between them that will not 
be good for any of us. (Applause.) But if we work upon 
the common school, we will lift all together, for getting 
an education is a good deal like getting rich. It is the 



13 

first thousand dollars that costs the most labor and is the 
hardest to get ; after that the next comes easier, and the 
next easier still and the next easier still. I am sure of 
this by experience, for I have riot yet accumulated the first 
thousand. (Laughter.) If you will give a boy the keys 
that unlock the vestibule to education, depend upon it, if 
he is fit to approach tht inner shrine he will find the pass- 
word, grips and signals and secure admission to the higher 
degrees. Here was that able Chancellor of the University, 
Patrick Mell, a poor boy in Warren county. 

Dr. Nunnally : — Liberty county. 

Dr. Candler : — I thought it was Warren, so I saw it 
stated the other day. He got the beginning of an educa- 
tion and then worked his way to Amherst college. Down 
at Emory this last year there were fifty young men work- 
ing their way through college. While I speak to-night 
they are all about in Georgia working to make their expen- 
ses for the next term ; and I have thought if the angels 
who watched over the slumbering Jacob that first night 
from home, have not lost their sympathy for struggling 
boys, they are nearer to-night to those 50 boys and others 
like them in Georgia, than to any other people between 
Tybee and Rabun Gap. (Great applause.) 

The Indians have a legend that is not altogether a 
legend ; it is also a parable. It is to the effect that a 
warrior slain by another imparts his strength in death to 
the hand that overcame him. It is so with a young man 
struggling for higher education. His difficulties help 
him; they give him education which books cannot give. 
They give him education of strength and courage and 
independence which can be acquired in no other way than 
by struggling and conquering. There are half a million 
children in Georgia between six and eighteen years old 
who need to have a chance to enter this struggle. If we 
we shaU send down to them through the common schools 
all the money we can spare, we shall stimulate these young 
lives to thoughtfulness, to thirst and hunger after learn- 



14 

ing. They will begin to work, friends will begin to help 
them and our colleges will be filled with students. But if 
on the other hand, we give sparingly to them, and follow 
the old ante-bellum policy, that before the war was adopted 
all along the south Atlantic slope, we shall continue to 
have multitudes unlearned and a few taught at the expense 
of the many. If we ever have higher education in any 
great degree, it must be by helping primary education. 
Who of us can be opposed to higher education? God bless 
■every institution of learning in Georgia ; the institution 
of the Baptists ; the University of Georgia ; Emory and 
that unborn University of the Presbyterians, but most of 
.all may the kind Father in Heaven send the spirit to our 
people to give help to the 500,000 and more children in the 
country who most need it! (Applause.) 

Mr. President, do we comprehend how many of these 
•children there are, and who they are? There are 560,281 
in Georgia. Where do they live? In your cities? No, 
they are not there ; 490,270 do not live in cities. It is 
worse than that, 475,738 of Georgia children live outside 
of all the incorporated cities, towns and villages in the 
State. They do not have the stimulation of the multitude 
going to and fro ; they do not have the inspiration of com- 
merce. Living in the country untaught, poor ; how sadly 
they need help! Among them are some of the brightest 
and best minds, among them there are some like Patrick 
Mell, and Alexander H. Stephens, and this start which we 
ought to give them would bring them up to our colleges, 
to our universities, but they can never get that start of 
themselves. Why? For this reason: you cannot get 
teachers for them. Have we not graduated teachers? 
Yes. Why don't they teach? I answer, the rewards in 
other lines cf life are so much greater than the rewards of 
teaching, they cannot afford to teach. They prefer to fol- 
low the more pi ofitable lines.* I wish they and all of us 

* This does not apply to the common schoo's for negroes as it does 
to the common schools f ^r whites. Negro graduates cannot turn to 
Jaw, medicine or merchandise with the hope of receiving remunera- 
tion equal to thaL they secure by teaching. Hence negro schools 
will prosper with or without increased appropriations. But not so 
with the whites. 



15 

were more self-denying and more patriotic, but men are as 
we find them. They will not leach without fair compensa- 
tion, without that which gives them permanent support. 
I take it that graduates of our University, and our other 
colleges, are not worse than others, that they are good 
men, that they love Georgia, but not many turn to teach- 
ing. We have graduated enough, yet do you know it is a 
fact that we have not graduated men willing to bear the 
burdens of even the colleges yet. I think I am correct 
when I say that our State University which has just cele- 
brated its 100th anniversary, (a little prematurely, per- 
haps, for I believe the first class graduated in 1804 ; but she 
has just celebrated some kind of centennial,) has never 
found a chancellor among its own alumni. Its graduates 
are men of ability, why have they forsaken the school- 
room ? Why turn aside elsewhere ? Just because you 
do not make it profitable enough to teach, but other things 
are profitable ; that is why. That is a hard saying maybe, 
but that is simple truth. If we put the money down which 
the common people have not, and which they are not likely 
to have for awhile, we will find teachers. Georgia has 
educated men but the means to secure them as teachers 
has not been put down by the State. 

There are 460,000 children who do not live in any town, 
much less a county town. You can not reach them by 
putting money down in ten congressional districts. They 
could not get to those schools. Schools for them must be 
at their doors. One must be in each militia district, and 
on "this side of the creek" to all of them. If on the other 
side they will never get across. (Laughter.) And to do 
all this, means money, and a very great deal of money, 
money enough to make these schools run eight months in 
the year ; for you must remember that a teacher does not 
eat, sleep and wear clothes three months onl}^. The other 
nine months of the year he goes on sleeping and wearing 
clothes and eating, and you must make provision for his 
year's support. 



16 

Building up the common schools is the shortest route to 
higher education in Georgia. If our colleges are waning 
it is largely for the lack of the material which the common 
schools should supply. The University and all the colleges, 
so far as I know, have had to do sub-freshman work. But 
now high schools are springing up. There is a school at 
Barnesville, Gordon Institute, an excellent training school. 
There is still another at Wrightsville, and one north of 
the Blue Ridge, Young Harris Institute ; there is an ex- 
cellent school at Cave Spring, and another at Edge wood. 
Some of the smaller towns, Newnan, Cartersville and West 
Point, and others, are establishing good training schools. 
When these schools have done all they can for their pupils 
we have the University already in possession of property 
estimated at over half a million of dollars, and Emory and 
Mercer for their higher education. Below them, however, 
we must have the common schools, or these high schools 
can do nothing. The common schools will feed the high 
schools, and the high schools will feed the colleges. 
That will make the colleges at Athens and Oxford and 
Macon flourish, for they will be supplied with the prepared 
material that colleges must have before they can be of any 
service to the country. 

Again, suppose you continue the old plan, and that, as 
has never been the case, you should be able to graduate by 
means of larger appropriations to higher education many 
teachers ; you cannot get these teachers through college 
before this generation of country children will have gone 
beyond school age. The school age of a child lasts for a 
few years only. Georgia's half million children cannot 
wait for teachers to be made ; they are getting older every 
day, every night ; while they wake and while they sleep 
they are getting older, and I tell you to-night there are 
460,000 in the country, away from the towns, away from 
the cities, our " country children, " as we say — I tell you 
there are 460,000 of them who will very soon be past your 
teaching, or anybody else's teaching. If you are to do 
anything for them, you are to do it quickly. If we shall 



17 

rob them of their chance, we will have done them an irre- 
parable injury, one such as the summer would suffer in the 
blight of the spring. It is a chance that comes but once ; 
and if the common schools shall continue inefficient for 
four or five years until we can,- in the colleges, prepare 
teachers who will work for next to no pay — if, indeed, we 
can ever prepare such — this generation of children will be 
gone past teaching. 

Other things, it seems to me, in Georgia can wait, but 
not this. I am not sure but that we can wait to have some 
more railroads built. I think we can wait to get rich ; 
the good old Book has some wise suggestions about those 
who make haste to get rich. But our children can wait no 
longer for good common schools. They must have them 
now or never. 

I think we are less alarmed in the United States when 
we ruin a crop of children than when we lose a crop of 
cotton or barley. What must become of a 460,000 crop of 
children down yonder in the country unless something is 
done? If it were 460,000 colts, I think our friends of the 
Farmers' Alliance would have something to say about it, 
If it were 460,000 sheep that were being slain by the dogs, 
that dog-law which is before you would stand a better 
chance of passage. (Laughter.) But it is 460,000 chil- 
dren, and we say " if they can get to school it is all right, 
and if not it is still all right. " We must not waste chil- 
dren that way. At last this world is made for people, and 
not people for this world. God did not put us down here 
to keep things from being lonesome, but he ma'de things 
for us, and the cattle on a thousand hills, and our harvest 
fields and our railroads are absolutely nothing until we 
have turned them into blessings to our children. Remem- 
ber this, and remember that down yonder among the poor 
are 460,000 of this young crop of children that need help- 
ing and not wasting. There is where the money of the 
State should go to-day. Our University and colleges will in 
their present condition, without additional appropriations, 



18 

work up all the material the common schools and acade- 
mies are likely to supply. And as for the special help 
which they must have, let our rich men supply them for 
awhile until the State has done for the common schools all 
that is needed. 

Mr. President, have you thought about the duty of our 
rich men to our colleges? They do not give enough for 
higher education. The churches look too much to what 
they call " financiering. " I shall be sorry when I see the 
trustees of Emory College go to " financiering." There is 
no way to financier a church college into plenty of money 
except a little proc ss that hangs about six inches in length 
if your pocket don't hang too low. (Laughter.) 

Our people don't give to the State college as they ought. 
Jefferson said, and he was not disappointed, that the 
benefactions to the University of Virginia would, by and 
by, overtop all the State could or wcnild spare to it, and 
his words has come true. I look at this pamphlet [hold- 
ing up a pamphlet on the University of Virginia,] recently 
preparexl, and I find since 1865 private benefactions to the 
University of Virginia have run to $891,000. What have 
we done in Georgia ? Some have waited upon foreign ef- 
forts ; some have financiered and have looked somewhere 
else than to going into their pockets, and doing by volun- 
tary benevolence that which needs to be done for our col- 
leges and University. We have been depending upon some- 
thing else than giving. We need a revolution at this 
point ; we need preaching upon it, and writing upon it, 
and talking upon it, and may be, a little wholesome, good- 
humored quarreling upon it. 

I was told to-day that, up to this time, no alumnus of 
the University of Georgia, many of whom have grown rich 
by means of the culture acc^uired there, have ever made a 
gift to the University notable enough to get into history. 
It is time we had done better. W^e have begun to do some- 
thing for Emory. Mr. R-^berts, the Financial Secretary 
of the College, and myself have worried the Methodists 



19 

xintil we have got them to give us about $25,000 during the 
past year, and they will have to give us $25,000 more be- 
tween this and Christmas year, or be the worst bothered 
folks in this country. (Laughter.) I worry them, and 
tease them, and pray for them, and cry over them, and 
work with them, and will continue to do so until they do 
something for Emory worthy of themselves. And I hope 
my good friend, the Chancellor, will worry the graduates 
and the friends of the University until they divide their 
wealth with it. If he gets them aroused, their spirit may 
become contagious and the Methodists may catch it. And 
I trust that Dr. Nunnally will worry the Baptists in behalf 
of Mercer. If he will get after the Baptists on this line we 
Methodists will have peace for awhile. Now we can't ]3uild 
a church that the Baptists don't turn a ,creek down that 
way and come bothering us. (Great laughter.) If j^ou 
will annoy and bother them they will do something for 
Mercer and forget to quarrel with the Methodists. 

Dr. Nunnally: — They are not having any rest. 

Dr. Candler : — That is right. Shake them up. They 
■cannot fall from grace; what is the use of their resting. 
(Tumultuous laughter and applause.) 

Our people yonder in the country are poor, but many of 
our people in the cities have grown wealthy. They some- 
times cry " hard times, " but these are not hard times. 
These are the best times I ever saw, and I have seen lots of 
times. (Laughter.) At any rate our rich people have 
means abundant to take care of the higher education, at 
least for awhile, until the State has given us common 
schools for eight months in the year, which is much more 
urgent. This great work will tax every resource of the 
State, and these resources ought to be taxed until there is 
-an eight months school within reach of every child that is 
born in Georgia. (Applause.) 

Suppose, Mr. President, you begin to make schools, not 
for all the people in every neighborhood, but in the county 
towns, or other favored localities. What will be the re- 



20 

suit ? You will make those towns richer and the country 
neighborhoods poorer; for by and by Squire Jones, who 
lives in the country, and who happens to be a little better 
off than the rest of the neighborhood, will say: "Look 
here, I am tired of working for you 'poor white trash.' I 
am going off and leave you. You have no efficient school. 
I am going to town, where I can educate my children." 
He and all his sort will go. You will then have congestion 
in the towns and atrophy in the country. The people who 
least need schools will flock to t(jwn, and they who need 
them most will be left behind. This will l^light our agri- 
culture as well as damage our people. And remember that 
Georgia must always be an agricultural state. But if the 
State puts a good school in every neighborhood, you will 
find that one of the great temptations for moving to town 
will have been removed, and you will hear the country 
people say, '' We will stay here, educate our children in the 
schools that the State has provided, live at home and be 
happy. " Such of their boys as have developed a zeal for 
learning will go to the high schools, and when a boy has 
gone through some one of our good training schools, if he 
has pluck, he can go to the college, and if he has no pluck, 
he would do n(j good if he went through a thousand col- 
leges. (Applause.) You will then find young men at 
Athens, at Oxford, and at Mercer toiling and struggling, 
and they will succeed and l)e all the better for their strug- 
gles, just like that noble old Roman, Junius Hillyer, suc- 
ceeded, and Alexander H. Stephens succeeded, and Patrick 
Mell succeeded. The colleges will flourish ; then country 
schools will flourish ; and when we have flourishing country 
schools, a prosperous University , and splendid colleges, 
what more in the line of education will we need ? 

Mr. President, I am not so old, and you are not so far 
away from youth, that we are free from its enthusiasm. 
Every thought of the old State stirs us, and I tell you when 
this thought comes to me of what the State can do if she 
will build up her common schools my emotions are un- 



21 

speakable. I see a splendid prospect before her, not a 
prospect like the history behind us, with a multitude of 
Tinlearned, and a few taught, with crippled common 
schools, with universities and colleges none too well filled ; 
but a splendid State, rich in all that goes to make a state 
great and powerful, earnest in her commerce, and honest 
with all, independent in her manhood, and prosperous in 
■every part; with a sky above her as fair as Italia's; with 
an earth beneath her as beautiful as the valley of Sharon ; 
above her and all about her every prospect pleasing and 
none of her people vile. I believe if this legislature will 
deliver all its strength and every dollar that the State can 
.spare to help our 460,000 country children down yonder, 
there is before Georgia a future as fair as the Eden which 
lingers as a golden age in the memory of mankind, cloud- 
less as the heaven which fills the hopes of the race. (Long 
and tumultuous applause.) 



22 
CHAPTER II. 



GEORGIA'S EDUCATIONAL WORK. 



WHAT IT HAS BEEN WHAT IT SHOULD BE. 



(From Atlanta Constitution, Sept., 1889.) 

On August 30th, the Farmers' Alliance of Putnam coun- 
ty held an educational mass meeting near Wesley Chapel, 
in that county. The meeting was attended by a great- 
multitude, and President Candler, of Emory College,, 
delivered by invitation an address upon education. At 
the conclusion of the address, the following resolution was- 
offered ai.d unanimously adopted: 

"Whereas, the views of President Candler, of Emorj 
College, on education by the State, as expressed in his- 
recent address before the General Assembly, and in his- 
remarks before this meeting to-day, seem to be in accord 
with the views of the Farmers' Alliance upon this subject, 

Resolved, that we request him to enlarge upon these- 
views in a letter, or series of letters, addressed to the 
people of Georgia, in which he is requested to state what 
amounts have, first and last, been expended by the State 
for common schools, and what for higher education; what 
debt, if any, the State owes the University at Athens, and 
what, in his judgment, should be the educational policy 
of the State." 

To the request of the resolution, Dr. Candler makes the- 
following reply : 

It gives me great satisfaction to respond, to the extent 
of my ability, to the above resolution. 

There is a more prevalent and potent interest in educa- 
tion now abroad in Georgia than at any other time in the 
history of the commonwealth. The State is, so to speak^ 
taking a new departure on the question, and it is import- 
ant that the people have ail the facts before them while 
this increased interest is taking form in action, that the 



23 

educational policy of the State may be intelligently di- 
rected. Much of that which has been done in the past, 
his bsen done without much care or information upon 
the part of the great body of the people. It has been done 
mainly under the direction of a few persons, and now that 
the people are awaking to the importance of this great in- 
terest, they may find it necessary to recast former policies 
and work, even to the amendment of the State Constitu- 
tion. If it shall be found that the Constitution, or laws 
ill pursuance thereof, do not meet the wants of the people, 
tliey can l)e, and ought to be changed Georgia has had, 
first and last, a half dozen Constitutions, which she has 
al)rogated or amended at pleasure, and that of 1877 is no 
more sacred than the rest. 

I deeply regret that I have been unable to secure exact 
figures as to amounts appropriated to common schools 
prior to the late war. The appropriations were so mixed 
up with appropriations to county acadeniies, and as a 
ommittee of the legislature in 1828 said, in many cases 
the funds were " so wasted and misapplied," it is impossi- 
ble to say just how much was really bestowed on the com- 
mon schools, or as they were then called, the "poor 
schools." 

The "county academies " were for a long time the only 
enterprises of the State for the education of the masses. 
They were much more nearly institutions for higher edu- 
cation than common schools. In them Latin, Greek, En- 
glish literature ai-'d the higher mathematics were taught.* 

*They surpassed the New England schools, of which Col. Ham- 
mond speaks on page 180 of his book. Below Massachusetts' 2150 
high schools, which he mentions, there are 10,000 schools of lower 
grade, like our common schools, and they are long term schools. 
When Georgia has more and better common schools, our towns will 
provide the high schoo s. But let us do as Massachusetts does, de- 
liver the strength of the State on the common schools. Upon her 
common schools Massachusetts spends in three years more than Greor- 
gia has ever spent on common schools in all her history. Since 1636 
(250 years), Massachusetts has only spent $l,7ti4,368 on her colleges, 
viz: Harvard, Amherst, Wi liams, the Agriculcural College and the 
Institute of Technology. Georgia has spent about *1, 200,000 on the 
University and its branches in less than half that time 



24 

When the system was at its best, and the greatest number 
of academies existed, they were inaccessible to the over- 
whelming majority of the people of the State. 

This academy system was inaugurated by an Act ap- 
proved July 31, 1783, and the institutions created by it 
were each endowed with 1,000 acres of land, worth about 
three and a half dollars an acre, and subsequently by Act 
of December 20, 1792, with one thousand pounds value of 
confiscated property. Pupils in these academies were re- 
quired to pay tuition, amounting in the case of at least 
one of them — the Richmond Academy, in Augusta — to $10 
2)er quarter. It will be seen, therefore, that they were 
more nearly colleges than free schools ; indeed, it may 
well be doubted that some schools in Georgia now called 
colleges are the equals of the Richmond Academy, under 
W. H. Crawford in 1799, or to old Sunbury, under William 
McWhir from 1792 to 1820. 

But quasi-colleges as they were, these academies absorbed 
the educational expenditures of the State to the exclusion 
of the common schools, until 1817, and thenceforward, 
until 1836, divided equally with the " poor schools " the 
educational fund of the State. How far they fell short of 
reaching all the people may be inferred from the fact that 
in 1840, when they reached the number of 176, they had 
an aggregate attendance of only 8,000 pupils, though the 
children of school age then in the State numbered not less 
than 85,000. During the entire period of their history, 
the county academies must have cost the State something 
like $200,000, and in this estimate I do not include $250,- 
000 voted to them by the Act of December 21, 1821. That 
amount was invested in bank stock of the State Bank for 
their permanent endowment, and I only estimate the in- 
terest which must have been paid them, as they never re- 
ceived the principal. 

Anything like free schools was not begun in Georgia 
until Dec. 18, 1817, when the legislature, being convinced 
that the " academy system " was "not well calculated for 



25 

the general diffusion and equal distribution of useful learn- 
ing," appropriated $250,000 for the establishment of "poor 
schools" throughout the State. This amount was invested 
in bank stock, and the interest only was available. To 
this was added, in 1818, moneys arising from the sale of 
certain lands, described in an act known as the "Land Lot- 
tery Act of 1818." Again, in Lecember 21, 1821, $250,000 
bank stock of the Bank of Darien, the State Bank of Sa- 
vannah and the Bank of Augusta, were added to the "poor 
school fund" by the same Act which gave $250,000 to the 
county academies. 

It must not be forgotten that the interest on these 
amounts was not devoted to common schools as we now 
have them, but only to pay the tuition of indigent chil- 
dren. To secure its benefits, parent or child was forced to 
confess pauperism, and then the child could be sent to 
school at public expense only three years. The school age 
was from eight to eighteen years until 1843, when it was 
changed to eight and sixteen years. In 1836, in 1845 
and in 1856, strenuous efforts were made to establish com- 
mon schools; but all failed. In 1836, the effort was nearly 
successful. One-third the surplus revenue, amounting to 
$350,000, was set apart " as a permanent free school and 
educational fund," and a joint committee of five from the 
two branches of the legislature was appointed " to digest 
a plan of common school education." The legislature re- 
ceived and amended the report of this committee, and in 
1837, passed an Act establishing a general system of com- 
mon schools, to take effect in 1839. By that Act the aca- 
demic and poor school funds were consolidated, and a dis- 
tinction which Governor Schley justly characterized as 
"invidious and insulting," was obliterated. In 1840, the 
Act establishing common schools was repealed, and the 
amounts which had been set aside for their maintenance 
were constituted a " poor school fund." So that the old 
*' poor school fund " and the " academic fund," which for 
two years had flowed together to make common schools, 



26 

henceforth flowed out as a " poor school fund," and the 
badge of pauperism attached to anyone who availed theni- 
Belves of the educational funds of the State, except the 
students of Franklin College, now called the University. 

But one result could follow — the fund did next to no 
good. The people refused such aid. "In 1849 thirty-two 
counties made no returns of their poor chiklren. In 1850 
fifteen counties failed to make returns, notwithstanding 
the law provided that counties makirg no returns should 
participate in the educational fund agreeably to the last 
return on record ; in the same year eight counties received 
nothing because they had never made a return."* In 1845 
only fitty-three of the ninety-three counties in the State 
applied for their apportionment of the poor school fund, 
though the penalty for such default was forfeiture of 
claim. Such a system was much as if Georgia had made 
no appropriation for elementary education at all. Un- 
der this system the counties which were poorest, and there- 
fore had the most poor children, by reason of the small 
amount '"f their taxable property had the smallest claim 
on the school fund. For example, Jasper and Newton, 
with some 120 poor children, paid into the treasury, as State 
tax, !j=8,910, while Union and Gilmer werf* able to pay a 
State tax of only $1,594, and returned 2,884 poor children. 
By this system help was bestowed where it could well have 
been spared, and denied where it was most needed. 

In addition to the appropriations we have been consid- 
ering, on December 11, 1858, an Act was approved appro- 
priating $100,000 of the net earnings of the Western and 
Atlantic Railroad to the educational fund, which fund was 
subject to appropriation by the State to any educational 
purpose. But as the proceeds of the road, which had been 
built by an issue of scrip, or certificates of State debt, 
were first to be "applied to the payment of the principal 
and interest of the bonds of the State issued on account 
of the road," and as the road did not always make "net 



* Jones' "History of Education in Georgia." 



27 

earnings," the educational fund was little the better off on 
account of this appropriation. Moreover, the "poor schooT 
fund" had no exclusive claim to this appropriation if it 
had amounted to anything. 

Not until after the adoption of the Constitution of 1868- 
did Georgia have any proper system of common schoolsr 
and this system was not organized until after the passage 
of the Act of October 13, 1870. The schools were run af- 
ter a fashion in 1871; but as the legislature diverted the 
school fund to other purposes, at the end of the year there 
was a de))t of about $300,000 due the officers and teachers^ 
During 1872, by reason of this debt, the schools were sus- 
pended, and the common school system of Georgia did not 
really begin to live until the year 1878. In January, 1872, 
" the father of the common schools of Georgia," that great 
and good man, the late Dr. G. J. Orr, was appointed State 
School Commissioner, and the common schools of Georgia 
began in truth to live, move and have their being the year 
following. Since then they have gone forward with in- 
creasing efficiency until the present time. 

What, I am asked, has Georgia expended upon all this 
work of elementary education first and last? 

It is comparatively easy to answer for the years since 
1870. It appears from the reports of the State School 
Commissioner that for this period the State has expended 
$6,070,615.38. To this amount we should perhaps add 
$1,686,007.76 by cities and counties operating schools un- 
der local laws. There are thirteen cities and four counties^ 
who have operated such systems,* and while, of course^ 
these local enterprises are not fairly to be credited to the 
State, and do little for the enlightenment of the great 
masses of Georgia's population, we will take their expend- 
itures into this account. The grand total of expendi- 
tures for common schools in Georgia since the war, we will 
therefore put down at 18,756,623.14. 



*The number has increased since this letter was published. 



28 

It is not so easy to answer for the years before the war, 
but we can make a fair estimate however. 

By a report of the committee of the legislature, we 
know that from Dec. 18, 1817, when the "poor school" sys- 
tem began, until June 5, 1820, Georgia's investments for 
the poor schools paid $18,666, and we know by an act of 
the legislature still of record, $12,000 were distributed in 
1822, and that in 1836, the best year, perhaps, the poor 
school system ever had, $40,000 were distributed. From 
these figures it will be seen that to estimate an average 
expenditure of $30,000 a year from 1817 to 1860, will be 
an over-estimate rather than an under-estimate of Geor- 
gia's expenditures for common schools during those years. 
For the forty-three years intervening between the dates 
mentioned, at the rate of $30,000 a year, we should have 
$1,290,000, which added to the $8,756,623 expended since 
the war, will give us $10,046,623 as Georgia's total expend- 
iture for common schools, "first and last," from 1817 to 
1889, seventy-two years. Massachusetts spends nearly or 
quite that much in two years, and has 90,000 less children 
of school age than Georgia. 

Among how many children has Georgia distributed this 
amount? 

Let us see. The school age lasts but ten years ; under the 
poor school system it lasted but three years. We may, 
therefore, reckon a new school population for every ten 
years. The school population for Georgia is now 560,281 ; 
for the present decade, therefore, if we reckon 400,000 as 
our average school population, we will not overstate the 
<!a8e. From 1870 to 1880, we may put it down as 250,000; 
from 1860 to 1870, 200,000; from" 1850 to 1860, 150,000; in 
1836 a legislative committee reported it as 83,000, it will 
be therefore safe to put it at 85,000 from 1840 to 1850; 
from 1830 to 1840, reckon it 50,000; from 1820 to 1830, 
50,000, and from 1817 to 1820, 20,000. From these figures 
-we will derive the aggregate of children having a claim on 
Georgia for elementary education during these seventy-two 



29 

years as numbering 1,185,000. Fair-minded men will call 
this a low estimate. Compa''ing this numlier of children 
Avith the amount expended for common schools, it appears 
that Georgia has expended for the elementary education 
of her children in seventy-two years about eight and a 
half dollars apiece. 

If some one objects to including in this estimate the 
amount expended for the common school education of th"^ 
negroes, let us subtract the amount paid on their account 
and see how the case stands. The most reliable estimates I 
can find give the amount expended by Georgia for the com- 
mon schools for the negroes since the war as about $2,800,- 
OCO, and the number of negro children taught at about 
250,000. If these figures are subtracted from the forego- 
ing estimates, it ajipears that Georgia has given to her 
white children, for tlieir elementary education during the 
last seventy-two years, about eight dollars apiece. 

In the meantime, what has been done by the State for 
higher education? 

We will not, in this estimate, count the amounts given 
to the academies though, as we have seen, these amounts 
might much more pro})erly be charged to the account of 
higher education than to that of common schools. 

In 1785 (January 27) the legislature voted 40,000 acres 
of land for a college or university, land worth, when it was 
sold, about $150,000. In 1801 the college wasjsut in oper- 
ation. In 1787, by the treaty of Beaufort, between Geor- 
gia and South Carolina, a tract of university land, con- 
sisting of 5,000 acres, situated between the Tugalo and 
Seneca rivers, was lost by falling into the State of South 
Carolina. The remaining lands, not being available for 
the purposes of the college, the State loaned the University, 
by Act of Nov. 27, 1802, $5,000. 

In 1806 a lottery was authorized by the State to provide 
a library for the University. I have not been able to ascer- 
tain how much was realized in this way. 

By Act of Dec. 15, 1815, the trustees were authorized to 



30 

sell the University lands, in lots of one hundred acres, at 
public outcry. But the lands were sold in lots less and 
more than 100 acres, and Dec. 18, 1816, these sales were 
validated by special act. The trustees then had on hand 
many notes secured by mortgage on the lands, but they 
-could not realize on them. If they sued and recovered 
the land, they would simply recover what could do them 
no immediate good, and what they did not want. Against 
some of their sales adverse claims were set up. Providing 
against this emergency, they secured in the Act approved 
Dec. 15, 1815, which authorized the sale, a provision that 
"if any subscription should be opened by any banks in the 
State at- a time when the bonds and mortgages should be 
uncollected or not due, and a failure to obtain stock on 
that account would ensue, the trustees of the University, by 
depositing the whole amou-it of said bonds and mortgages 
in the treasury of the State, and producing to his Excel- 
lency, the Governor, the treasurer's certificate of the same, 
shall obtain from the Governor a warrant on the treasury 
for whatever sum, not exceeding two-thirds of the amount 
■of said bonds and mortgages, that may be necessary for 
subscribing for such number of shares as the proceeds of 
said lands, if collected, would authorize them to subscribe 
for." For $>150,000 worth of such land mortgages, Georgia, 
-accordingly, gave the University 8100,000, which was 
invested in stock of the Bank of the State of Georgia, in 
which it was still invested as late as 1845 (See White's 
Statistics, page 76). The University got the money, and 
the State got as collateral for this advance and for the 
previous loan of $5,000, land notes that might or might 
not be valuable. Some we know were not good ; as late as 
1823, the State was certainly still worrying with her notes 
and making credits upon them as the validity of adverse 
claims were established. (See act for relief of Lovick 
Pierce and other purchasers of University lands approved 
Dec. 20, 1824.) By an Act approved Dec. 21, 1821, Geor- 
gia provided that the permanent endowment of the Uni- 



31 

versity "shall consist of a sum not less than $8,000 per 
annum ; and that when it so happens that the dividends 
furnished by the bank stock granted to the University 
shall not be equal to the sum aforesaid, the Treasurer of 
this State is required to make up the deficiency semi-annu- 
ally out of any moneys in the treasury not otherwise 
appropriated."* This is the origin of the so-called debt 
due the University of the State. It will be observed the 
$100,000 was paid and invested in bank stock, and so con- 
tinued at least until 1815, and was perhaps lost when the. 
Bank of the State of Georgia failed. Georgia now has 
among her nominal assets 1,833 shares of that corporation. 
But while the principal was thus paid, the State guaran- 
teed 8 per cent, interest on it, although she could then 
borrow money at 6 per cent. The State has continued 
iintil this day to pay (or see that it was paid) the $8,000 
per annum. The State now borrows money at 4 per cent., 
and 18,000 is, therefore, equivalent to interest on 1200,000. 

In 1816 the State granted to the University another loan 
of $10,000 against the land notes previously described. If 
this loan and the loan of 1802 were ever paid, they were 
paid out of the collections made on these land notes, and 
since the State gave the land at first, they ought to be 
reckoned as donations to the University. 

By Act of December 18, 1819, a donation of $2,000 was 
given to the University to build a house for a grammar 
school. 

By Act of December 21, 1821, the State secured to the 
University a further grant of $25,000, by land sales. 

In 1830 the State again loaned the University $10,000, 
and as late as 1833, the records of the legislature show it 



*Some say this quasi-endorsement of the University's bank stock 
created a debt upon the rotate; that it has "ripened" into a debt. If 
this be so, what was the consideration tor wliich this debt was given? 
Suppose some legislature should repeal the Act of Dec. 21, 1821, 
what would be the effect? C ol. Hammond, on page 134 of his book, 
calls it "systematizing by funding, in 1821, of the University notes " 
There was no funding of notes in it It was simply an endorsement 
of bank stock, already purchased by the University trustees. 



32 

had not been repaid ; if it has ever been repaid, the record 
of the payment I cannot find. 

In the same year (by Act of December 21, 1830) $6,000 
were appropriated annually to the University, " for the 
purpose of enabling the board of trustees to rebuild the 
college edifice, and replace the library and instruments 
destroyed by fire, and for the purpose of defraying tlie 
annual expenses of the college," and not " to help poor 
students," as was recently stated in an address delivered 
.before the General Assembly, by a distinguished trustee of 
the University. This appropriation was continued until 
1841, eleven years. 

On March 30, 1872, Governor Smith transferred to the 
trustees of the University the fund arising from the land 
scrip, $242,202.t 

In February, 1875, the State appropriated $5,000 a year 
for three years to the branch of the University known as 
the " Georgia State College of Agriculture and Mechanic 
Arts," located at Athens. 

On September 29, 1881, the legislature appropriated 
$2,000 a year to thn University for four years, to make 
tuition free 

On September 27, 1884, an appropriation of $2,500 was 
made to repair certain buildings on the University cam- 
pus. 

In October, 1887, another repair fund of $5,000 was 
voted to the University, and $5,000 to the branch college 
at Dahlonega, and $3,500 each to the branch colleges at 
Thomasville and Milledgeville. 

In 1888, the legislature appropriated $18,000 to the 
School of Technology in Atlanta, calling it a branch of the 

t The contract made by Gov. Smith was vmauthorized by any law, 
Federal or State, and I doubt not, is invalid. The majority of the 
committee of the legislature, appointed to investigate the land 
scrip in 1891, said in their report: " We doubt if the legislature of 
the State, by legislative enactment, has ever located under the terms 
of the Act of general government, the State College of Agriculture 
and Mechanic Arts, and this question should be settled once for all." 

HThis appropriation was for only one year. This error is explain- 
ed and corrected in my second letter to Col. Hammond. See Chap. iv. 



33 

University, that the constitutional difficulty in the way 
of such an appropriation might be evaded. 

At the same time and in the same manner, $3,000 were 
appropriated to the college at Dahlonega ; $2,000 to the 
college at Milledgeville ; $2,000 to the college at Thomas- 
ville, and $2,000 to the college at Cuthbert. 

It will be observed that while from 1841 to 1875 the 
University received no special appropriation, since the lat- 
ter year appropriations have fallen upon it and its 
branches thick and fast. 

Since 1873, $8,000 a year have been appropriated to the 
collegiate education of negroes — an amount doubtless sug- 
gested by the amount appropriated annually to the Uni- 
versity at Athens. 

In 1881, the legislature passed an Act which operates 
indirectly as an annual appropriation to the University at 
Athens. It provides that whenever the trustees present 
any due bond of the State it shall be funded at 7 per cent, 
in a non-negotiable bond of the State payable only to tJie 
trustees for the benefit of the University. Thereby 
$255,000, as shown by the last report of the State Treas- 
urer, are now held by the University, and the amount 
draws 7 per cent, interest from the State Treasury. In- 
asmuch as the State borrows money readily at 4 per cent.,* 
this additional 3 per cent, is in the nature of an annual 
appropriation. Since the Treasurer's report was made, 
$15,000 more of such bonds have been thus funded, making 
in all $270,000, which at 3 per cent, per annum yields 
$8,100 as an indirect appropriation to the University 
annually. 

Adding all these amounts together, we have expended 
"for higher education in Georgia, first and last;" 
Interest on Bank Stock since 1816 to 1889, - $584,000 
Donation for Grammar School at Univer- 
sity in 1819, 2,000 

Loans of 1802, 1816 and 1830, - - - . 25,000 

* At 3^ per cent. now. 



,^ M/V^' 10 1894 ic 



34 

Amount carried forward, - - _ 611,000 

Additional grants by land sales in 1821, - 25,000 

^6,000 a year from 1830 to 1841, - - - 66,000 

$5,000 a year from 1875 to 1878, - - - 15,000 

$2,000 a year from 1881 to 1885, - - - 8,000 

Gift for repairs September, 1884, - - 2,500 

Gift for repairs October, 1887. - - - 5,000 

Land Scrip, .... 242,202 

School of Technology, .... 18,000 
Gifts to branch college at Dahlonega, - - 8,000 
" " " " " Milledgeville, - - 5,500 
'' " " " " Thonijisville, - - 5,500 

" " " " " Cuthbert, - - - 2,000 
Annual appropriation to higher education of ne- 
groes since 1873, - - - 128,000f 



Total for higher education, "first and last," $1,141, 702*^ 
In this estimate I have not given value of the old capi- 
tol at jMilledgeville, used for college purposes; nor the ap- 
propriati(Mi made in 1881 or 1882, (I forget the year,) to 
rebuild the college at Dahlonega;* nor the indirect appro- 
priation annually made to the University through the 
funding Act of 1881. If these items were added, the 
amount would run smartly beyond the figures given for 
^'higher education." 

tTliis amount for the negro co'lege is properly chargeable to the 
University. For it is paid in lieu of any claim of the colored popu- 
lation upon the proceeds of the land scrip. 1 hat the University 
may get all the land scrip the State pays the negroes $8,000 a year 
and yet we are often told the State gives nothing to the University. 

IFSince this was written, I find from the Acts of 1892, $22,500 appro- 
priated to the School of Technology ; $22,900 to the formal and Indus- 
trial College at Milledgeville, besides the originftl appropriation for 
its establishment; $:;,000 for the Uahlonega College. These are in 
addition to the usual $8,000 a year each for the University audits 
branch college for the negroes at Savannah. 

The appropriation act of 1892 directs that the chairmen of boards 
of trustees of all educational institutions supported by the State shall 
report to the Governor the number of teachers and employees with 
their salaries, etc. And that their reports shall be printed and bound 
"tor public information and the use of the General Assembly." This 
will greatly facilitate a proper understanding of these educational 
expenditures. 

♦There were two of these appropriatiosn, aggregating $20,000 and 
iiot given in the estimate above. 



35 

How many pupils have had the benefit of this higher 
'education? It is impossible for me to say how many have 
attended the branch colleges, the School of Technology, 
and the Atlanta University for colored pupils; but we may 
arrive at an approximate conclusion in answer to our 
question, if we will take the figures for the University at 
Athens. The whole number of students who have, "first 
and last," attended this institution, the students who were 
graduated and the students who were dropped by the way, 
is put down by Mr. Charles Edgeworth Jones,, in his'recent 
pamphlet entitled "Education in Georgia," issued by the 
Bureau of Education, at Washington, at 6,000. The in- 
stitution has received, "first and last," $941,202 at least. 
If we do not place the land scrip to their account, nor the 
indiiect appropriation of the funding Act of 1881, these 
6,000 students have each received from the State about 
$125. If these amounts are counted, they have received 
$185 apiece while we saw the children in the common 
schools have received eight and a half dollars per capita! 
Is it strange that in 1880 Georgia returned a greater num- 
ber of persons ten years old and upward as unable to write 
than any other State in the Union?§ 

What debt, if any, does the State owe the University at 
Athens? Let the foregoing estimates answer? But if this 
be not sufficient, let us remember the University owns 
property valued at $663,000, and has an annual income of 
nearly $35,000 and that it has nothing which it did not 
.acquire through the State except Gov. Mil ledge's land gift, 
the Terrell bequest of $20,000, the Gilmer fund of $15,000, 
the Moore Building worth $25,000, and the Charles McDon- 
ald Brown Scholarship Fund of $50,000. 

I am asked what in my judgment should be the educa- 
tional policy of the State? I answer, for the present, at 
least, all its appropriations should be made to the common 
schools. 



§This policy starved out the common schools vmtil within recent 
years and they are but poorly sustained now. The teachers are al- 
ways a year behind on the poor salaries they receive. (See Col. 
Hammond's book, page 129). 



36 

New England has followed in the main this jDolicy from 
the first, and to-day there are not only more and better 
common schools in New England than in any other section 
of the Union, but more and better equipped colleges. 
Beginning at the bottom, her educational work is firmly 
founded on a base broad enough to sustain it whatever 
height it may attain to. Connecticut has never given 
Yale College as much as Georgia gave the University from 
1830 to 1841. Massachusetts kept Harvard in the leading^ 
strings of the State until 1865, when its alumni demanded 
its disestablishment, and since that time it has been 
enabled to increase its board of instructors from 45 to 110^ 
and it has received more gifts and bequests than in the 
two hundred years of its previous history. The writer of 
the article on Harvard University in the American Cyclo- 
pedia says : "The University has no funded property froin 
the public treasury, but has always depended upon the 
revenues from students and the gifts of individuals, which 
have far surpassed in number and magnitude those made 
to any other American institution of learning." 

Brown University, in Rhode Island ; Bowdoin, in Maine, 
and Dartmouth, in New Hampshire, have answered the 
uses of their respective States and have in the main lived 
upon similar financial bases.* 

*Since 1(336 Massachusetts lias appropriated to colleges of every 
sort $1,764,368,73. Since 1700 Connecticut has appropriated $288,- 
676. Of Ehode Island, Prof. Blackmar says in liis book entitled, 
"The History of Federal and State Aid to Higher Education in the 
United States" (from which the foregoing figures are taken:) "The 
State Legislature has never aided Brown University by grants or 
appropriations.'' It put the land scrip given by the U. S. Govern- 
ment there to be held in trust. There was nothing else to do. Since 
1773 the entire money grants by Xew Hampshire to colleges have 
aggregated only $106, 933.66. The total grants by the legishiture to 
all the colleges in Maine since 1794 have been but $.313,718. Vermont's- 
grants since 1798 have amounted to $90, 500. The entire legislative 
grants to colleges in all New p]ngland in two hundred and fifty years- 
have amounted to about $3,500,000 in round numbers. But in the 
one year 1889-90 — the year when certain friends of the common 
schools in Georgia moved for their improvement against the slogan 
of the University and its friends that " education must begin at the 
top" — New England expended $14,200,000 on her common schools. 
These figures show, that when Col. Hammond says on page 129 "it 
seems that Dr Candler was mistaken" about New England's policy, 
it is he and not I who is mistaken. 



37 



A similar policy Bhould prevail with reference to our 
State University. With the start Avhich the State has 
:given it; with property valued at $663,000, and with an 
annual income of not le.s than 135,000 (equivalent to an 
endowment of $700,000 at 5 per cent.) ;with living alumni 
immbering over 1,000 and with many supporters besides 
Its alumni, let it now depend upon tuition fees and the 
girts of its friends. 

It is a shame that the alumni of the University have 
given It next to nothing, and that in their clubs they have 
been clamorous for the State to give money to their alma 
^a^.r while beyond the expenses of a few banquets given 
to further the movement to put their old mother more 
completely on the charity of the commonwealth, they have 
-done almost nothing for her themselves. They seem to 
foi^et that the State Constitution, which they delight to 
tell us says, "In addition to the payment of the annual 
nterestonthe debt due by the State to the University 
the General Assembly may from time to time make such 
donations thereto as the condition of the treasury will 
authorize," says also, "The trustees of the University may 
accept bequests, donations and grants of land and other 
property for the use of said University." I would stir up 
their pure minds by way of remembrance." 

Let the University charge tuition fees. A student who 
can pay board and other expenses at Athens can pay tui- 
tion. Free tuition tliere gives no more graduates to 
Georgia than the Stat.- would otherwise secure if tuition 
were charged. It is si.nply a present of .$60 a year to 
them who do not need it.* 

Moreover, as long as the State makes tuition free at 
Athens_it creates an unfair competition with private and 

education, would be unjust and contrary to the spirit of democmcy '' 



38 

church schools, which tends to discourage the cause of 
higher education in Georgia and provoke opposition to- 
the University which hinders it. As the case now stands^ 
it looks like the State were seeking to use her superior re- 
sources to break down the church colleges. This is surely 
not good policy. In the medical and law departments of 
the University tuition is charged ; in these departments 
the church schools make no appreciable competition, f 
In the departments with which the church schools com- 
pete, tuition is free. The design of the thing is manifesto 
But is it wise in the State to discourage the churches from 
entering or continuing in the [field of higher education ?' 
Is it right ? 

Most of the people in Georgia who patronize colleges at: 
all prefer the church schools. Thej- do not say to the 
minority who prefer to patronize the University at Athens,. 
"You shall patronize our schools;" but they do say to the 
minority, " If you prefer not to patronize religious schools,, 
do as we do, and pay for what you prefer. " They do not 
say, as they have been unfairly represented as saying,, 
" Only denominational colleges succeed, and only denomi- 
national colleges should succeed;" but they do say the 
State should not toll taxes from the denominations, and 
then devote a part of its funds to a policy design d to 
hinder the denominational colleges from succeeding. 

But some may say, "We now propose to elevate tlie 
University to be a university indeed as well as in name, 
and thus lift it above competition with the church col- 
leges. " This is a delusion and a snare. Does any sane 

I It avails nothing to reply to this that the medical and law de- 
partments are peculiarly related to the University. They could be 
related otherwise if the University Trustees chose to have it so, and 
free tuition prevail in them. And it is just as much the duty of the 
State to give free chemical, agricultural and legal tuition as it is ta 
give free classical education. If it is her duty to set one of her sons- 
up as an analytical chemist,any of her sons have the right to demand 
free education for the professions they chose. And if any not desir- 
ing professions, but merchandise, demand to be set up in the grocery 
business they have an equally just claim upon her bounty. The whole 
thing runs at last to communism when followed to its logical conse- 
quences. 



39 

man believe the University is going to abandon its A. M 
course, its A. B. course, its B. Ph. course, or its B. S. couri^e, 
and confine itself to the work of such courses as the Ph. D. 
course ? But if it proposes to continue these collegiate 
courses it proposes to put itself in competition with the 
church colleges, as it has always done. 

If the University wishes to deal fairly with the church 
schools, let it do what it ought to do anyhow, because it is 
right: charge tuition. If it needs more or better professors, 
the sum thus provided will secure them. As that wise 
and scholarly man, the Hon. Samuel Barnett, said some 
months ago in a letter to the Evening Journal, of Atlanta, 
if the University will do this it will not need " to clamor " 
for State funds. If the 147 students at the University 
during the past year had each paid $60, the usual tuition 
for a year in Southern colleges, the institution would have 
received from this source $8,820, a sum sufficient to pay 
three new professors $2,000 a year, besides yielding annu- 
ally $2,820 for repairs and other current expenses. 

The University of Virginia charges tuition fees.* So 
does the University of North Carolina. So also does almost 
every respectable college in the United States. The Uni- 
versity of South Carolina tried the free tuition plan 

*0n page 182 of his book, Col. Hammond says the University of 
Virginia does n<jt charge for tuition. The citalogue for the session 
1890-91 (the year after 1 wrote the above words) of the University of 
Virginia on page 47 shows tuition fees ranging from $75 a year in 
the academic de^jartment to $120 in the pharmaceutical. Law is 
$80; Medical, $110; Engineering, $100, and Agricultural tuition, $100. 
If there has been any change since then I am not aware of it. These 
rates are charged students taking degrees, and all otiiers pay $25, 
but they can take no degrees. The catalogue for the University of 
North (,;arolina fOr the year this letter was written puts tuition and 
fees at $75. The tuition at Washington and Lee University is $80. 
At Hampden and Sydney it is $()J. The Univei'sity of Michigan, 
while claiming to give free tuition, charges fees under other names 
nearly or quite equal to tuition fees and discriminates in favor of 
Michigan students. The University of Pennsylvania charges $150 a 
year. Harvard, Yale, Bowdoin, Brown, Columbia and Amherst all 
charge tuition fees. The facts do not justify the statement that 
when the University adopted the system of free tuition, it did but 
conform "to the general policy of American public institutions of 
learning to open their doors freely to the youth of the State without 
charge for tuition." 



40 

awhile, but the people of that old commonwealth became 
convinced that the policy was unwise for the University 
and unfair to private and denominational colleges and 
they abandoned it. 

If it be said this cannot be done in the case of our Uni- 
versity, on account of the Act of September 29, 1881, the 
answer is easy : Repeal the Act in whole or in part ; it is 
not a law of the Medes and Persians. 

But as against all this, some may say, " It is neces- 
sary for a State's glory and power, that she have learned 
men as well as men educated in an elementary degree. "f 
This is admitted ; but does it follow that Georgia can 
only get thpm by appropriations to the University ? Most 
of the men living in the State, who have received a colle- 
giate education, did not get it at Athens. The church col- 
leges have turned out more graduates than the University. 
Among their alumni are not a few learned men. Shall 
the State, while affirming its need of learned men, seek to 
cripple colleges from which she may get them at no cost 
to herself in order to get a chance to pay for them at a 
State school ? Is religion so unfriendly to learning that 
the kind of men who come from religious schools are not 

tCol. Hammond makes mvicli of this idea on page 128 of his 
book, playing a beautiful but valueless variation on the names of 
I'ierce, Curry and Palmer, that he may please Methodists, Baptists 
and Presbyterians. He seeks to import into my words a meaning 
quite foreign to them. I insert, therefore, a paragraph from an 
article of mine printed some years ago, to make more plain my 
meani)ig: "It may well be doubted if the State has a right to make 
any appropriations to an interest, the benefits of which are so exclu- 
sively confined by the very nature of the case to a privileged class, 
as are the benefits of a college education. Such appropriations must 
always and inevitably be at the expense of the many who are poor 
for the benefit of the few who are rich, or comparatively well-to-do. 
Nor is it sufficient to reply to this that the State gets a return for its 
appropriations in the benefits arising from the services of a few dis- 
tinguished men and from the beneficent influence of its educated 
classes. The State would doubtless be benefited if it were to build 
railroads and factories and present them to chosen citizens who 
could run them well. Out of such enterprises would come employ- 
ment for many hands, food for many mouths and a general stimula- 
tion to business; but the State cannot make presents of such proper- 
ties to a few of its favored citizens without gross injustice to all the 
rest. Kor can it make a present of a college course to a few of its 
more favored children without doing injustice." 



41 



desirable to the State. Was Dr. G. J. Orr, a graduate of 
Emory College, and the father of our free school system, 
unlearned or hostile to learning? With much more justice 
might it be charged that some who decry denominational 
colleges are hostile or indifferent to religion ; for while, by 
the Act of January 27, 1785, establishing the University, it 
was required that " all officers appointed to the instruction 
and government of the University shall be of the Christian 
religion," by an Act of 1887* this requirement was repealed 
and now a Mussulman or an agnostic may be a professor 
there so far as the law is concerned. 

At last, what is it now costing to turn out graduates 
from the University? I-ast year there were 147 students, 
not counting 81 law students, who paid their tuition. 
The University had an income of $32,164.14 from in- 
terest paid through the State treasury, not counting 
income from other sources. If this were all the income 
of the University (and it is not), these 147 students were 
educated at a trifle more than $218 apiece. This was tuition 
alone, for they paid their own board, clothes and book 
bills. Since $60 is the "regulation tuition fee" in Southern 
colleges, with $218 three students could have received 
free tuition if the money had been spent directly on the 
students instead of the institution. And be it said the 
the institution exists for the students, and not the students 
for the institution. 

It is now proposed to add $35,000 annually to this out of 
the State treasury. Let us suppose that this will double 
the patronage of the University, though it is hard to see 
how it will do it. Tuition is already free, and the fact does 
not draw students to Athens. The additional $35,000 can 
only result, therefore, in paying more or better salaries to 
professors. But let us suppose the number of students is 

*Tliis is a typographical error. The date should be 1877, just as 
on page 10 of Col. Hammond's book his printer puts 1887 for 1877. 
Ihis error has been followed by other writers, and in alluding to 
it, (lol. Hammond applies to it the epithet "false." He knows I 
am incapable of falsehood and introduces the harsh epithet for 
stage effect I suppose. 



42 

by this appropriation increased to 300. If we combine the 
$32,164.14 of present income with the $85,000 proposed, we 
have ^67,164.14. If to this we add $15 by every student as 
matriculation fee at the beginning of every session, we will 
have a sum above $70,000 ; or the 300 students will cost $325 
apiece. Applied directly to paying tuition fees this amount 
would nearly provide for four students. But this approp- 
riation will not run the patronage to 300, and if it should 
stand at the figure for last year, viz : 147, or say 150, the 
tuition of the students at Athens would cost, under this 
appropriation, $470 apiece. The children of Georgia out- 
side of the cities and towns — the children who need most 
the common schools — now barely receive II apiece 
for their common school education ! And this amazing 
inequality accounts for the small number of students at 
Athens : there is not enough preparatory education in 
Georgia below the University to provide stiidents. Free 
tuition at the University can never remedy this evil. The 
only remedy is more and better common schools. 

To this view objection will still be urged, that appro- 
priations to the common schools must be divided with the 
negroes, while appropriations to the University are devoted 
entirely to the white bo3\s of Georgia. Waiving the ques- 
tion whether, since the negro is a citizen, it is not wise for 
the State to give him an elementary education to fit him 
for citizenship, it is enough to say Georgia will have to do 
for the higher education of the negroes a proportionate 
amount of what she does for the whites. All her appro- 
priations to higher education hitherto have been thus divi- 
ded. As we have seen, $3,000 are annually appropriated 
for the collegiate education of negroes — an amount cor- 
responding to the amount voted to the University at 
Athens. Departments for colored pupils have been es- 
tablished at the Academy for the Blind at Macon, and at 
the Deaf and Dumb Asylum at Cave Spring. Demand is 
already made for agricultural colleges and a school of 
technology for the negroes, ' and the demand, it must be 



43 

admitted, may be plausibly pressed when it is said by 
some advocate of negro education, " The white people say 
the negro should do the manual labor of the country, and 
should not intrude into the professions. Will they deny 
him schools in which to learn to do this manual labor 
well ? " 

Moreover, we are in danger of perpetrating the folly of 
the man who, in order to freeze his dog to death, went out 
in the cold and held the dog until he was himself frozen^ 
while the dog survived; the only difference between us^ 
and him being that we will freeze our white children and 
not ourselves. In truth, we have followed a policy for 
nearly a century which has all but frozen out the common 
schools. 

Meanwhile be it remembered the common school educa- 
tion of the negro will go on whether the State increases 
the appropriation to common schools or not. The negro 
colleges are turning out many graduates. Coming out of 
these colleges they cannot enter the law, medicine and 
other such professions, by reason of the prejudices of their 
own race, as well as by the attitude of the white people. 
They are excluded from merchandise by lack of capital. 
They must enter upon manual labor or teach school. An 
ill paid school will bring them greater remuneration than 
manual labor. Most of them therefore now teach and will 
do so with or without increased appropriations to common 
schools. But with white graduates, to whom all the pro- 
fessions are open, it is not so. M >st of them, and the 
best of them, will not teach in the common schools with- 
out living salaries, which provide a year's support. Re- 
curring to the figure, it is manifest if we withhold appro- 
priations from the common schools to avoid helping the 
negro, we will freeze our children before we freeze the dog,, 
even if it were proved the dog ought to die. 

We should have eight months schools in Georgia. They 
will cost not far from two millions of dollars annually. 
Massachusetts, with a population exceeding that of Geor- 



44 

gia by about 250,000 souls, and with a school population 
less than that of Georgia by about 90,000 children, gives 
upwards of $4,000,000 annually to her common schools.* 

Georgia must soon begin building school houses. The 
country schools are miserably housed in many cases. Ex- 
cept for college buildings, and for school houses erected in 
certain cities, towns and counties by local taxation, I do 
not believe Georgia has spent a dollar for school buildings 
in fifty years. If the State has done so, it has entirely 
escaped m}^ notice. 

Our common school system must be put on its feet. 
The University is old enough to stand alone. With pro- 
perty valued at $663,000 and with an annual income of 
nearly or quite $35,000, f and with a roll of alumni con- 
taining nearly 2,000 names, "of whom the greater part re- 
main unto this present but some are fallen asleep, " the 
University ought voluntarily to relieve the State of further 
charges on its account, and lead the agitation in behalf of 
better common schools. 

I am, with good wishes for the University and all insti- 
tutions for higher education in the State, and with best 
wishes for common schools, Very respectfullv, 

W. A. CANDLER, 

Emory College, Oxford, Ga., Sept. 6, 1889. 

*She now gives her common schools about f8,000,COO annually. 

t The report of the Board of Visitors published June 18, 1893, 
■showed its annual receipts amounted during the last col egiate 
year to .$50,910 68. It has been increased by the Morrill Fund 
$12,000, the negro college receiving the remaining $6,000, I sup- 
pose. All this $50,910,68 seems to have been used at Athens, ex- 
cept $2,000 allowed to the school at Dahlonega. 



45 



CHAPTER III. 



"HAMMOND'S HISTORY" CORRECTED. 



From Atlanta Constitution, of July 2, 1893. 

Editor Constitution : The reading of his church paper. 
The Wesleyan Christian Advocate^ togetlier with other in- 
fluences, brought upon Hon. N. J. Hammond early in the 
month of May, a disposition to write history, and after 
the manner of good historians, he throws in many reflec- 
tions by the way. From his first paper, which appeared 
in your columns May 7th, to his last, which appeared June 
25th, I have read his pieces (nearly all of them I think) 
with such care as my leisure permitted, and always with 
interest. Along the way Col. Hammond has fallen into 
a few minor errors of historic incident, such as, for exam- 
ple, the mixing of the continental congress and the con- 
stitutional convention in the matter of Rev. Mr. Duche's 
prayer, but these errors have not materially impaired the 
value of his papers.* 

However in this last piece, which might be entitled "The 
History of Free Tuition at the University of Georgia," 
Colonel Hammond falls into several mistakes which, if un- 
challenged, might be accepted in future as history and 
mislead many. I am sure he would not willingly set er- 
rors a going and have them remain uncorrected. His pur- 

*Col. Hammond who takes to a small compliment like little Jackey 
Horner did to a plum, makes much of this pleasant allusion to 
him. He says ; 

"That one whose position at the head of Emory College keeps him 
constantly on guard, that a critic so well posted, so lynx-eyed and 
ready to find fault, should write that he has read all my articles with 
both care and interest, and yet found only that I had "fallen into a 
few minor errors of historical incident," and they in no way "mate- 
rially impaired the value of his (my) papers," seems a high compli- 
ment." 

I did not say that "minor errors" only were all I found. The next 
paragi'aph shows a very material error in important history. 



46 

pose is to write history and I know he wishes it to go down 
correctly. 

I venture, therefore, to call attention to some of his er- 
rors, and he will permit me to follow his example of set- 
ting down a few reflections while giving the facts. 

In the beginning of his piece in the Constitution of June 
25th, Colonel Hammond says : 

"The history of free tuition in the University of Geor- 
gia is not long. Originally the State's plan was to help 
the indigent only. For instance, in 1830 the legislature 
allowed the poor school commissioners of each county to 
select their brightest boy, who might go to the University 
without charge for four years. The Act appropriated 
$6,000 per annum to pay their tuition. That legislation 
was repealed in 1831." 

The purjoose of the appropriation is misstated by Colo- 
nel Hammond and the date of its repeal is incorrectly set 
down. It was only the fourth section of the Act which 
was repealed in 1831. The appropriation section was not 
repealed until 18-41 and its purpose is thus stated in the 
Act : "The sum of $6,000 l^e and the same is hereby an- 
nually appropriated to the University of Georgia as a fund 
for the use of said institution for the purpose of enabling 
the board of trustees to rebuild the college edifice and re- 
place the library which was destroj^'ed by the late fire at 
Athens and for the purpose of defraying the annual ex- 
penses of said college." 

Section 4, which was repealed in 1831, was as fol- 
lows : "That it shall be the duty of the justices of the 
inferior court of each county in this state immediately 
after the passage of this Act to select from among the poor 
of their county one young man who shall be between the 
age of fifteen and eighteen years, whose duty it shall be to 
notify the board of trustees of said selection, and it shall 
be the duty of said board to cause each applicant so 
reported to be boarded and educated at Franklin College 
out of the funds hereinafter mentioned, free of any charge. 
This proposal was for free board as well as free tuition. 



47 

the only method by which free tuition can be made avail- 
able for those who really need it; but it amounted to 
nothing because no funds were "thereinafter mentioned" in 
the Act except a loan of $10,000 specifically granted to 
replace the btirned building, library and apparatus. An 
effort was made to get a $20,000 appropriation for the poor 
boys, but it failed. So also did a proposal of $10,000 fail. 
But the $6,000 annually for the University did not fail. 
It was not repealed until 1841. 

In 1831 the Hon. Thomas F. Anderson, a member of 
the senate from the county of Franklin, sought, while the 
measure to repeal section 4 of the Act was pending, to 
engraft the following amendment upon it : "That the 
annual appropriation of the $6,000 m favor of the Univer- 
sity of Georgia as mentioned in the second section of the 
above recited Act be, and the same shall no longer be con- 
sidered for the ])enefit of the University, but added to and 
distributed with the poor school fund for the purpose of 
educating the poor children of the state." But his motion 
failed by a vote of 30 yeas and 36 nays. (See page 289 
Journal of the Senate of 1831.) 

There was nothing in the Act of 1830, or indeed in any 
ante-bellum acts concerning the University, looking to 
the free tuition system which has prevailed at Athens 
since 1881. That is post-bellum blundering which has 
injured the University without accomplishing its object of 
overcoming the competition of the church colleges. Colo- 
nel Hammond must excuse me for believing, in spite of 
his denial, that it was aimed at the denominational col- 
leges. The evidence forces me to this conclusion. That 
evidence may be briefly stated in part thus : 

1. Free tuition was adopted when the university's pat- 
ronage had dropped as low as 134, counting all the stu- 
dents in both Franklin College and the State College of 
Agriculture, while the patronage of the church colleges 
was rising steadily. This fact was a moving cause for 
action as will appear from the testimony of the board of 
visitors for the ye^ar 1881, which I quote further along. 



48 

2. The act making free tuition at the University only 
extended the privilege to the departments with which the 
church schools competed. 

3. The report of the board of visitors for the year 1881 
discloses the animus of the act. They said in urging the 
scheme of free tuition : "To show also that now is the 
time for action in the premises, it is confidently stated'' 
[By whom it was stated the report does not say; the state- 
ment was, perhaps, a bugaboo to enforce the appeal of the 
visitors for free tuition] "that both Emory and Mercer col- 
leges,with far-seeing sagacity, are seeking, by speedy endow- 
ment of these institutions to open the way for free tuition. 
Already Emory College, through the liberality of Mr. Se- 
ney, has made a good start, and the earnest efforts of the re- 
cently appointed agent of Mercer, Dr. Landrum, cannot 
fail to make large additions to the endowment fund of 
that institution. This step is rendered necessary by the 
inroads which the branch colleges of the University under 
the free tuition system will certainly make upon the pat- 
ronage of both these excellent literary foundations. But 
shall it be said that the mother institution, after sending 
forth avaunt couriers in the cause of free education, halted 
midw'ay in the work and allowed these institutions to out- 
strip her in reaching this very desirable result?" 

Colonel Hammond cannot offset this plain testimony of 
the board of visitors by an appeal to the general character 
of the members of the board of trustees of the University 
at the time. The character of these men is not in question 
but the merits of this case. Some whom he names may 
not have been present; others may have been misled as to 
the proposal. A commencement session, with its hurry 
and confusion, is a time when men are readily confused. 
Others may have opposed it. For example, I have reason 
to believe Bishop George F, Pierce never approved it 
Will Colonel Hammond give us the proof of the Bishop's 
approval? It is noticeable that most of the men men- 
tioned by Colonel Hammond are now dead and cannot 



49 

define their position about the matter as it now stands. ■• 
Cemetery silence is not good testimony. 

This I know: The friends of the denominational col- 
leges understood the action at the time as war upon their 
schools, and protested against it. In July, 1831, when the 
subsequent Act of September was manifestly determined 
upon, the official organ of the Methodist church in Geor- 
gia protested against the unfairness of the Act in words 
that are good reading to-day. The editorf said : "Let us 
see : 1. The Baptists and Methodists make the majority 
of the tax-payers of Georgia. 2 Most of them l)elieve 
most conscientiously that the sort of college work they 
consider to be absolutely necessary, cannot be done by the 
State. 3. They believe that it is the duty of the church 
to establish and conduct colleges and universities. 4. 
Thev have to provide for them out of their own pockets. 
5. They naturally object to being compelled to endow 
state colleges that cannot qIj what they want d^ne, when 
they find themselves unable to endow the colleges that are 
doing just what they want done." 

From both the friends of the University and the friends 
of the church colleges we have, it will be seen, therefore, 
proof that the movement was understood at the time to 
have been originated to give the University the advantage 
of the denominational colleges. 

The following bit of argument by Colonel Hammond 
one might take as a joke if it wec) not W3ll k;i ).va that the 
colonel can't tell one. He says : 

"So far from working to injure the denominational 
colleges, the board of trustees of the University has 
increased to sixteen the age at which students may enter,*|| 
and raised the scholastic requirem rats for mitricalation 
beyond that required by any institution in the state. That 



*N"or can their silence when in life b3 used as evidence. Men will 
often allow a matter to go without opposition not because they 
approve it but because they are averse to controversy. 

IBishop Hiygood was its Editor and wrote tha word^ quoted. 

IfThis raising of tlie age of entrance was not doa3 aadii n3iuly t3n 
yeai's later. 



50 

•calculus is in the sophomore year shows how advanced is 
that curriculum. In that regard it is so advanced that the 
late board of visitors in their report complain thereat. 
This is not the place to explain why it is so. We mention 
it only to enforce the proposition stated. The effect of 
this requirement caused the rejection of forty applicants 
during this scholastic year, many of whom, we suppose, 
went elsewwere." 

Raising the age of entrance one year and putting cal- 
culus in the sophomore class are the evidences of amity 
towards the church schools ! 

Let the public understand that a student at Athens i^ur- 
suing the A. B. course ends pure mathenuitics on the cal- 
culus, but does it sophomore year and takes no pure math- 
ematics afterwards. A student at Emory or Mercer ends 
also on the calculus, but does it senior year. It is no 
higher standard at one or the other schools, but only a 
difference of place in the course for the calculus. 

Let Colonel IJammond make the comparison and he 
will find a student at Emory seeking the degree of A. B, 
must study the same subjects required at Athens and some 
not required there. I submit to any competent educator 
if algela-y, trigonometry, analytical geometry and calcu- 
lus should all be thrust into ane year, and that year the 
sophomore year, as is the case at Athens. This might be 
justly called the practice of taxidermy on sophmores. 

The effort of the chairman of the board of trustees of 
the University to make Emory and Mercer appear to be 
schools of a lower grade than Franklin College is in line 
with the effort to defeat them with an unfair competition. 

May I make a digression here? The Colonel is fond of 
digressions. May I inquire if Colonel Hammond designed 
to cast odium upon the cause of Emory college and the 
good name of her benefactor by suggesting interogatively 
a charge he was unwilling to make affirmatively when he 
penned the following? 

"SupiDose one should fix the date of Mr. Seney's gifts to 



51 

Emory and Wesleyan Female College, and then show that 
soon afterwards he obtained from Georgia the charter of 
the East Tennessee, Virginia and Georgia Railroad Com- 
pany, so damaging to the Western and Atlantic Railroad, 
which it paralleled, and which the State owned, and then 
charge that the Methodists m the General Assembly who 
voted for that charter were by Seney's gifts to their col- 
leges, bribed to do a wrong to the State. Would there 
not be just indignation?" 

I understand that some years ago certain lewd fellows 
of the baser sort tried to give currency to. this unworthy 
charge against the man who gave more to higher education 
in Georgia than any man ever gave ; but I had not ex- 
pected to see the vile slander introduced to public notice 
by a worthy gentleman and he a Methodist, even though 
he should do so by suggestion or illustration. It is a 
charge opprobrious to the Methodists of the State, as well 
as libelous upon Mr. Seney. It can have no standing 
among the respectable people of Georgia until they have 
become so degraded that ingratitude cannot disgrace them 
and the requital of generous help with scandalous abuse 
will bring no blush to their cheeks. Such a man as Colo- 
nel Hammond ought to abhor such a charge. 

But to return from the digression : I thank Colonel 
Hammond for explaining to the public how the following 
words were in, 1877, stricken from the time-honored charter 
of the University of 1785 : "All officers appointed to the in- 
struction and government of the University shall be of the 
Christian religion. " These words appear to have been of- 
fensive to Major R. J. Moses, a Jewish member of the 
legislature, though Colonel Hammond tells us the provi- 
sion had been annulled by our constitution long before 
Major Moses moved its repeal. But even the deference 
to Christianity of this legal nullity was not to be endured. 
I am thankful that the following words are still left in the 
common school law : " The Bible shall not be excluded 
from the common or public schools of this State. " 



52 

Truly we need denominational colleges. The State can- 
not know religion in its institutions. That would inter- 
fere with freedom of conscience. * And yet somehow the 
State's agents sometimes take a religious, even a sectarian 
turn. For example I read this in the Atlanta Constitution- 
of June 18th, with reference to a recent election at 
Athens : 

" It is said that the fact that he is a Baptist had much 
to do with his selection, as the trustees concluded that 
there were too many Presbyterians and Episcopalians in 
the faculty, and they thought it best to diversify the re- 
ligious competition of the college. It is also stated that 
if Mr. Sylvanus Morris had been a Baptist he would have 
l^een given the place. " 

In this connection, it is but the statement of a fact to- 
say that in the ninety-three years of the University's his- 
tory it has had eight Calvinistic chancellors and one Ar- 
minian. The eight Calvin ists have held the place for 
seventy-nine years, and the one Arminian fourteen years, 
during three of which the college was suspended. Be it 
also remembered that it appertains to the office of chan- 
cellor to teach mental philosophy, and that when the 
question of the freedom of the will and divine sovereignty 
is under discussion in that science, a Calvinist gives quite 
a different answer from that of an Arminian. f 

An Episcopal Methodist was never chancellor of the 
University, though that denomination is one of the largest 
in the State. If I am correctly informed there is now but 



* Col, Hammond delights to quote Bishop Haygood's strong words: 
" The State has nothing to do with religion except as it protects the 
citizen in his rights." But in the departments of both jjliysics and 
metaphysics religious questions are inevitably raised, and a. State col- 
lege can say nothing to settle them. As the phrase goes in Arkansas. 
" It digs up more snakes than it can kill " 

t Col. Hammond professes not to be able to understand the differ- 
ence between Calvinism and Arminianism This will be surprising 
to both Cal vinists and Arminians, if indeed it is not offensive to them. 
It seems to charge both parties with contending about a nothing. 
But I think Col. Hammond does not mean this. It is simply his 
infirmity that he cannot distinguish between a part and a Avhole. 



53 

one Methodist in the faculty of Franklin College. Profes- 
sor Jere M. Pound, a Methodist, was not of the right de- 
nominational complexion, even as was the case with Mr. 
Sylvanus Morris, in the recent election, though both were 
Georgians and gifted alumni of the University. 

I have no criticism of the honored gentleman who was 
elected. Ho is, I am glad to be informed, very competent. 
But when denominational colleges are criticised for their 
alleged sectarianism and the old requirement that profes- 
sors in the University shall be of the Christian religion 
can no longer be endured in the charter, even as a nullity, 
it seems to me denominationalism should not enter int-'- 
elections. Maybe a covetous eye was cast at Mercer's 
growing patronage and it was " thought best to diversify 
the rnMgious competition of the college." 

At last, is not this higher education, raising as it inevit- 
ably raises sundry religious questions, rather too delicate 
work for the State to undertake under our form of govern- 
ment? Had not the State best stop at educating for citi- 
zenship? Has she a duty or right beyond that? To these 
questions my friend. Col. Hammond, will vehemently re- 
ply in the language of his last letter : 

" Some contend that the State is in duty bound to edu- 
cate its citizens but a little, so that the}^ may be able to 
read their ballots, wit hout understanding their force, but 
that to teach enough !•> make them wise members of so- 
ciety is wrong. Thai seems to bd fallacious both in ])rin- 
ciple and logic." 

A common school fellow can read a ballot, but it takes 
a college man to understand the force of it. Is that your 
doctrine. Colonel ? It seems so. What a pitiable fix is 
Georgia then in ! It may well be doubted if even the 
University can relieve the situation unless the few w4iom 
it educates to know the force of a ballot can somehow get 
control of the benighted multitudes who only know how 
to read a ballot. And as our population is rapidly in- 
creasing, we should hasten with all speed the increase of 



54 

the ballot directors lest the mere ballot readers, like Sir 
Isaac Newton's little dog, Diamond, should do a world of 
mischief without knowing it. Let us force the boys to the 
University, giving them not only free tuition, but free 
board and clothes alsQ, items which stand in their way 
very much more than tuition fees. Free tuition is a need- 
less present to those who can provide the rest. The aver- 
age attendance per year at Athens since 1881 with free tu- 
ition and high board has been one hundred and seventy- 
three, counting both Franklin College and the >State College 
of Agriculture ; while the average attendance at Emory, 
where tuition is charged and board is cheaper, in the colle- 
giate department alone for the same period has been one 
hundred and eighty-five. 

The Colonel offers a novel reason why Georgia should 
retain tlie funding Act of 1881, by which tlie State issues 
fifty-year 7 per cent, bonds to the University when she can 
float at par a 3^ per cent, bond in open market. He inti- 
mates that this indirect appropriation is a good induce- 
ment to the alumni to give to its endowment. I am op- 
posed to any appropriation by indirection ; but this plea 
of my distinguished friend almost reconciles me to it. He 
says: 

"Some are urgitig the alumni to endow the University. 
What greater inducement can they have than the assur- 
ance that if they comply with the Act of 1881 the State 
will see that nothing shall keep their bounty from certain 
income for the purpose of the donors." 

In my judgment, if the legislative committee of the 
University trustees (b}^ the way, a singular sort of commit- 
tee, not needed to inform the legislature of the condition 
of the University, since the Chancellor does that, but of 
whose functions I will venture no surmise) wants an an- 
nual appropriation of $7,000 or $8,000 from the State 
treasury to make tuition free, they should ask for it in a 
straightforward way and not seek to get it by such an in- 
direction as the funding Act of 1881. But while this is my 



55 

honest opinion, none of us perhaps should seriously com- 
plain if the Act brings a gift from an alumnus to the en- 
dowment. It must be confessed, however, that it affects 
the alumni slowly. In twelve years it has brought noth- 
ing. It is a most remarkal)le history that a college should 
be over ninety 3'ears old and none of its alumni ever have 
given it anything. I forgot one thing, however. Some of 
them did propose to insure their lives for it, so that the 
institution might live if enough of the alumni should die. 
I will not weary your readers with a repetition of the 
land scrip history. The fourth section of the congres- 
sional Act creating that fund says : "Said sum of money 
shall be a perpetual fund, and shall never be used except 
as in this Act })rovided in section 5, and the interest of 
which shall be inviolably appropriated by each State 
which may take and claim the benefit of this Act to the 
endowmei)t, support and maintenance of at least one col- 
lege, where the leading object shall be, without excluding 
scientific and classical studies, and including military tac- 
tics, to teach such branches of learning as are related to ag- 
riculture and the mechanic arts in such manner as the 
legislatures of the States may respectively prescril)e, in 
order to promote the liberal education of the industrial 
classes in the several pursuits and professions in life." 
Without quoting further from the Act I submit to any fair 
mind that the governor of Georgia had no authority to 
dispose of that fund by contract or otherwise for free 
scholarships or for any other consideration.* The date of 
the contract was March 30, 1872. By Colonel Hammond's 
own statement it appears that the legislature was in session 
as late as January 15th before the contract was made, and 
again on July 25th afterwards The executive should have 
left this matter where congress put it, calling the legislature 



*It has been said that the Ugislatuie can not now retiiove the land 
scrip from Athens, because such an act would impair tlie validity of 
a contract and would therefore be unconstitutional. But an unlaw- 
ful contract has no validity to impair. 



56 

several weeks in advance of its summer meeting if necessary 
that the matter might have been regularly disposed of. 
Moreover, neither the governor, legislature nor board of 
trustees of the University could divert properly one dollar 
of that fund from agricultural college purposes to Uni- 
versity purposes, "directly or indirectly." But the facts 
show that the purposes of the Act are not being accom- 
plished at Athens. By Colonel Hammond's figures it ap- 
pears that there have been registered (mark the word) in 
what is called the "agricultural college" at Athens an av- 
erage of only fortv-five students a year for twelve years 
past. A report to the legislature some year or two age- 
signed by Hon. I. H. Hand and Hon. A. C. Hill said : "Let 
us examine the annual announcement and catalogue of the 
University at Athens for 1891. Turn to the register of 
students, page 56, -senior class. Not one in this class 
stands registered as an aspirant for the degree of bachelor 
of agriculture. We next look through the junior class 
and we rejoice at finding four aspirants for the degree of 
bachelor of agriculture. We look through the sophomore 
and freshman classes and fail to find one who registered 
in the State College of Agriculture." 

In 1881 when the free tuition plan was being brought 
on, the Board of Visitors accounted for the small num- 
ber of students in the College of Agriculture thus : "How- 
ever wrong and unfounded, the fact cannot be disguised 
that scores of sensitive farmers and men in moderate cir- 
cumstances refuse to accept of the free scholarships ten- 
dered by the trustees from the belief that their sons and 
wards will occupy inferior positions in the University and 
be looked down upon as charity students." Abolish all 
tuition fees they argued, "the first result will be a large in. 
crease of students at Athens from the ranks of the fresh- 
man and sophomore classes in the branch colleges." Well, 
it was done, and the number of students in the College of 
Agriculture at Athens dropped from fifty-six to thirty-nine, 
and has averaged by Colonel Hammond's figures, forty-five 



Oi 

a year since, but by the report of Messrs. Hand and Hill 
it has been very much lower. There must have been a 
fault in the diagnosis or the prescription of the Board of 
Visitors. It did not cure. 

Last winter another remedy was applied (perhaps "to 
quiet agitation") ; a brief course of agriculture was estab- 
lished. But the remedy did not work. Until Christmas 
the maximum number of students on the course at any one 
time was three or four. At no time did the number exceed 
fifteen, among them being a venerable pupil of some sixty 
summers of age. A few cows were dehorned I learn. 
Farmers' institutes have also been employed. 

But none of these things meet the purposes of the land- 
scrip act. 

Messrs. Hand and Hill offered this suggestion as a rem- 
edy : "For a number of years the University of Missis- 
sippi tried to run the agricultural and mechanical college 
in immediate connection with the University, but the plan 
was unsuccessful and abortive, as it has proven to be in 
Georgia. The suggestion was made of removing the agri- 
cultural and mechanical college from the University and 
locating it elsewhere, and was acted upon, and the college 
removed some ten or twelve years since. The result has 
abundantly established the justice and wisdom of the ex- 
periment. Before the separation of the college from the 
University there were only about eighty registered in the 
department of agriculture and mechanic arts. Eight years 
after its removal it exhibited an average of 315 students." 
Messrs, Hand and Hill are, perhaps, right. It is hard for 
the land scrip to serve two masters. At any rate the re- 
port of Messrs. Hand and Hill makes interesting reading 
and it is somewhat historical. It should be widely read 
while we are studying an historic series. 

W. A. CANDLER. 



58 



CHAPTER IV. 



THE OMISSIONS AND COMMISSIONS OF HON. N. J. HAMMOND. 



To the foregoing letter, Hon. N. J. Hammond printed 
a reply in the Atlanta Constitution of July 9, 1893. Under 
the above caption the following answer to his piece 
appeared in the same paper July 15 : 

Editor Constitution. — It appears from Colonel Ham- 
mond's last piece that while he was sitting in court at 
Savannah defending the interests of the Central Railroad 
he fell into a meditation upon a subject in rio wise con- 
nected with that litigation, viz: the safety of the Univer- 
sity's endowment. My honored friend had much time 
for such meditations there, for, with his usual ability, he 
had so carefully prejjared his case that the court sus- 
tained his contention without so much as hearing from 
him, 1 believe. If he had been as careful about his history 
I should not have found it necessary to correct his errors. 

While ho sat there witnessing the wrecked condition of 
the Central's securities he thought of them like the school 
boy thought of pins who wrote in his composition : "Pins 
are good things. Many children have saved their lives by 
not swallowing them." He tells us he "thought what 
might have been the situation of our University had its 
board of trustees in 1881 gone into the market and invested 
its funds in the securities of those railroads instead of 
being allowed by the State to fund them ])ermanently under 
the act of that year." For the sake of the symmetry of 
his meditation, it seems to me the Colonel should have 
gone on meditating, and somewhat on this wise : "And 
the Act of 1881 i»ot only gives a safe security to the Uni- 
versity ; it gives also a security with a very high rate of 
interest and a very long time to run — a fifty-year bond at 
7 per cent. And we get it at par without a chance of com- 



59 

peting bids, not even from the denominational colleges. If 
svich a bond were put on the market even in these hard 
times it would bring as much as 130 perhaps, and maybe 
more. But we get it at par. It is true this saddles upon, 
the State for fifty years a 7 per cent, bonded debt when she 
can borrow money for 3 1-2 per cent, (and perhaps for less 
before the fifty years expire) and it is true the people 
whose own investments are obliged to be uncertain, like 
(-entral railroad securities, will have to pay this increased 
debt, but the funding Act of 1881, with its 'companion 
piece,' was necessary to make tuition free at Athens, and 
tuition there must be free whatever burdens it may bring 
to the people. Rich students must have free tuition to- 
keep poor students from feeling badly in receiving it, and 
poor students must have it because it is not right that a. 
graduate of the University should, at his graduation, give 
to his (dma mater his notes for his tuition. He may 
'insure his life' for her, but he must not promise to pay 
her for his tuition. It is better to put a large debt on all 
the people for fifty years than that a few graduates should 
each have a small debt of $240 for a brief period.* It would 
require nearly half a year's labor for these young men to- 
pay their tuition after graduation, but that is not to be 
thought of. It is better for the present generation to pay 
high interest on their bonded debt and hand over to pos- 
terity the principal for payment than that graduates 
should begin life by paying their own tuition bills." 

If Colonel Hammond's meditation had ran on that 
fashion he might finally have fallen to musing on this 
wise : 

"In 1896 more than $500,000 of Georgia's bonds will 
mature. As they near n)aturny they will fall to about 
par. That will be a harvest time for the University. We 
must, as they near maturity, get all we can of them, so as 
to get them changed to fifty-year bonds at 7 per cent. 
Such as we then get will run to 1946, a long time to be 

*This amount is the cost of tuition for four years, Students eui- 
tering above Freshman would not owe even this much at graduation. 



60 



sure, but we have a good precedent to justify the proceed- 
ing. Everybody knows that in 1821 the friends of the 
University secured the passage of an Act which provided 
Hhat the permanent endowment of the University shall 
consist of a sum not less than $8,000 per annum, and that 
when it so happens that the dividends furnished by the 
bank stock granted to the University shall not be equal to 
the sum aforesaid, the treasurer of this State is required to 
make up the deficiency semi-annually out of any moneys 
in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.' That Act 
looked as innocent and harmless to the Georgians of 
1821 as this funding Act of 1881 seems to the people of 
to-day. Some years away back between 1821 and 1840, 
as much as $500 a year was appropriated under it, and 
some years the appropriation was less, but now the 
bank stock has gone to wreck and the $8,000 annuity is 
'ripened into a debt.' By 1946 there is no telling 
what benefits will accrue to the University through the 
■'ripening' process, and the funding Act of 1881. When 
we com3 to the year 1896, when the 8500,000 falls due, it 
is to be hoped no constitutional difficulty will arise in the 
minds of the governor and treasurer of the State on 
account of section 12, paragraph 1, of the Constitution 
which says: 'The bonded debt of the State shall never 
be increased except to repel invasion, suppress insurrection 
or defend the State in time of war,' though it must be con- 
fessed a nice question may arise thereabouts. Let me see : 
anticipating the maturity of over $500,000 of her bonds in 
1896, the State will probably raise the money to meet them 
by issuing 3 1-2 per cent, redemption bonds in the year 
1895. The money from the sale of these redemption bonds 
will have to. be in the treasury to redeem the maturing 
bonds beforehand, but the University, having secured as 
many of them as possible, late in the year 1895, so as to 
get them cheap, will present such as it may be able to get 
and demand for them under the funding Act of 1881 a new 
7 per cent, bond running for fifty years. But if the 
•demand is acceded to, the bonded debt of the State will 



61 

not only he increased by the higher rate of interest secured 
but it will also be increased by having two bonds out for 
the same purpose, viz: the .redemption bond bearing 3 1-2 
per cent, and the refunded University bond, bearing 7 per 
cent.* That looks like a violation of the Constitution, but 
then the Constitution must not be construed too strictly 
when applied to the University. If a bill were passed 
extending the privileges of the funding Act of 1881 to 
Emory and Mercer it would be unconstitutional, for I had 
it put into the Constitution that no money shall ever be 
taken from the public treasury, directly or indirectly in 
aid of any sectarian institution, and such an Act would be 
ail indirect appropriation to them. But when we come to 
the case of the State University our practice must be more 
elastic. For example, the Constitution says : 'In addi- 
tion to the payment of the annual interest on the debt 
due »by the State to the University, the General Assembly 
may, from time to time, make such donations thereto as 
the condition of the treasury will authorize. And the 
General Assembly may also, from time to tiine, make such 
apjiropriations of 'money as the condition of the treasury 
will authorize to any college or uni/ersity, not exceeding 
one in number, now established or hereafter to be estab- 
lished in this State for the education of persons of color.' 
Now, under a liberal construction of this section we can 
establish any number of schools by simply calling them 
branches of the'University — there is something in a name 
after all — and moreover, for a number of years we gave 
$8,000 a year to a sectarian negro college in lieu of the 
negro's claim to a part of the land scrip which we put 
entirely in the possession of the University." 

But the Colonel's meditations never reached these sub- 
jects. Maybe they might have done so if he had not been 
disturbed by my calling attention to some of his errors of 



*Col. Hammond in his book characterizes this view as "empty." 
That assertion is his ipse dixit — nothing more. Able constitutional 
awyers tell me the point is well taken. 



62 

history: for, after briefly recalling his Savannah medita- 
tion he proceeds to say : 

"Dr. Candler then said the 16,000 which I had said was 
appropriated by the Act of 1830 and repealed by the Act 
of 1831, to educate the poor boys at the University, was in 
point of fact never appropriated. He quotes from the 
Acts of 1830 and 1831, and the journals of the house and 
senate of those dates to sustain his view of it, and he seems 
to be right. I had my information from Cobb's New 
Digest, page 1094, where the Act ' to provide for the educa- 
tion of certain poor children therein mentioned, ' is pub- 
lished, leaving out the fourth section, and stating that it 
was repealed m 1831, and I had rpad elsewhere that the 
appropriation was actually made. Perhaps it was careless 
in me not to have hunted up the old Acts and journals, 
though I do not know that they could have been found 
here. But it was not so careless as Dr. Candler when, in 
in his speech to the Fanners' Alliance of Putnam county 
he stated, and afterwards in Sep ember, 1889, published, 
that 12,000 for the purpose of free tuition in the University 
was annually appropriated by the Act of 1881 for four 
years, when that Act was accessible to all, and on its face 
was for one year instead of four. " 

" But what of my mistake ? That Act of 1830 was cited 
as the only ante-bellum legislation concerning tree tuition 
in the University, and to that Dr. Candler agrees. What 
amount was thereby appropriated for that purpose, or 
whether any amount was, was wholly immaterial to the 
argument. " 

The Colonel could doubtless have found the Act of 1830 
by walking from his office to the State capitol, a few blocks 
away. Accuracy is well worth so short a walk by one 
volunteering to give the people history upon so material a 
matter as the policy of the State University concerning 
free tuition during the first eighty years of its history — the 
period, by the way, of its best success. 

The error which Colonel Hammond attributes tome has 
this history : I have no law books in my library, and for 
such I depend upon the college library. Of recent years 
the State has sent to the library of Emory college none of 
^he Acts of the legislature nor journals of either house. 



63 

Before the war there was a law requiring that these l)ooks 
should be sent to Emory College. Perhaps it was annulled 
by the Colonel's constitutional provision against appropri- 
ations "directly or indirectly " to sectarian institutions. 
At any rate these publications are no longer sent to us at 
Emory. In the preparation of the speech to which Colonel 
Hammond alludes I depended upon Mr. Charles Edgewortb 
Jones' monograph entitled : " Education in Georgia," 
and published under endorsement of the United States 
Bureau of Education in 1889 (the national government still 
sends its publications to church schools). 1 supposed Mr. 
Jones's i)fimphlet was accurate about legislation as late as 
1881 at least. (1). Because it was written ))y a gifted young 
man who had not only taken a course at Athens, but a post- 
graduate course at the Johns Hopkins University also. I 
knew he was a son of Georgia's well-known historian, 
Colonel C. C. Jones, and supposed he wrote perhai)s in his 
father's peerless library. (2). Because his pamphlet was 
endorsed by the United States Bureau of Education. (3). 
Because it was much praised at the time of its publication 
and nol^ody pointed out this error. (Colonel Hammond, 
who seems overfond of the doctrine that " silence gives 
consent," will ap])reciate fully this point). 

Accordingly in the absence of the Acts of 1881, and re- 
lying upon the best authority within my reach, I followed 
the error of Mr. Jones in saying, "On the 29th of Septem- 
ber, 1881, the legislature appropriated $2,000 per year, for 
four years to make tuition free." (See Jones' "Education 
in Georgia," page 48). 

I fell not only into this error from not having the Acts 
of the legislature at hand, but into another which the Col- 
onel has not discovered, or does not care to bring out. I 
was answering, at the request of the Putman County Alli- 
ance, the question : "What amounts have been expended, 
by the State for common schools and what for higher 
education." Not having access to the Acts of 1881 and 
188'-i. I said on page ten of my pamphlet : "In this esti 



6-4 

mate, I luive not given the appropriation made in 1881 or 
in 1882 — I forget the year — to rebuild the college at Dah- 
lonega," * etc. If those Acts had been before me I should 
have said: "By Act of September 15, 1881, $10,000 was 
appropriated to the University of Georgia for rebuilding 
the branch college at Dahlonegh, and again by Act of ' 
December 12, 1883, another $10,000 was appropriated for 
the same purpose." Instead of charging up, therefore, to 
the University $8,000 (i.e. $2,000 a year for four years), 
I would have entered three items aggregating ^'22,000. My 
estimate was too low by $14,000, but of this Colonel Ham- 
mond will not complain. f 

But when, by chance, I discovered my error, I did not 
repeat it, as Colonel Hammond has done with his error. 
In his speech delivered before the General Assembly in 
1889, he fell into the same error about the Act of 1830 
which he has written in his recf^nt history, and I corrected 
him then and said in my pamphlet published shortly 
thereafter : 

"In the same year (by Act of December 21, 1830), $6,000 
was appropriated annually to the University, 'for the pur- 
pose of enal)ling the board of trustees to rebuild the col- 
lege edifice, and replace the library and instruments 
destroyed by fire, and for the purpose of defraying the 
annual expenses of the college,' and not 'to help poor stu- 
dents,' as was recently stated in an address before the 
General Assembly, by a distinguished trustee of the Uni- 
versity." 

This occurs in my pamphlet just ten lines above my 
error which Colonel Hammond points out. Only three 
sentences intervene between them. It is amazing how he 
missed his own error ; but found mine. It reminds me 
of a remark which I have heard attributed to Mr. Blaine 
It is said that the senator from Maine told Judge Ed- 
munds on one occasion : "You can see a gnat on a barn 
door a mile without seeing the barn door. " 

*See Chapter III. 

tCol, Hammond's error was $66,000; mine was $14,000. 



65 

Colonel Hammoad meets the curriculum question thus : 
"Now for the remainder of Dr. Candler's article. He 
says my effort 'to make Emory and Mercer appear to be 
schools of lower grade than Franklin College is in line 
with the effort to defeat them by an unfair competition.' 
I wrote not of Franklin College only, but of the University 
which embraces much more than Franklin College proper. 
I made no effort, nor said anything of the kind. Combat- 
ing the charge that the trustees of the University were try- 
ing to injure the denominational colleges by unfair com- 
petition, I stated that both the age and scholarship 
necessary to enter the University had been raised. Had 
we been trying only to get students, it would have been 
better to have lowered both instead of losing applicants 
for their want of age or preparation. Some of our pro- 
fessors claim superiority over those colleges as to the 
course of study, and I may at some time have echoed their 
claim. But in these papers I made no such claim, and do 
not know whether it is true. I have never made a com- 
parison. Surely I may think that had we a sub-freshman 
class, as they have at Oxford, we might this year have 
added to our numbers as they added to theirs, their sub- 
freshman class this year containing sixty-seven students. 
I am not complaining that they have such a class. It 
would be proper, perhaps, for us to have one.^ 

Since writing my first paper, a cataloTue of the Univer- 
sity for the year 1888 has fallen into my hands. It gives 
the age of admission to the University at that time as 
fourteen years. The scheme of free tuition bsgaii in 1881, 
seven years before. How then caa the receat raising of 
the age indicate anything as to the purpose of an Act 
taken nearly a decade before? As to the curriculum, 
Colonel Hammond now admits he does not know, but may 
have echoed the claims of certain University professors. 
He can make a comparison of the courses of study when- 

HSub-fresliman work at the Uaiversity was provided for last 
summer, and yet the raissd curriculum is ofered is pro>f of amity 
towards the church colleges. If t!is all'3g3 1 nisei curriculum 
meant friendship, what does this confessed lowarin'j of the curricu- 
lum mean? 



66 

ever he chooses to do so and decide for himself which is 
the higher course. He probably has both catalogues. I 
know he has Emory's, for the day after my last article ap- 
peared, he wrote me for a copy and I sent it to him at once. 
He evidently received it and consulted it, for he tells with 
accuracy the number of students in Emory's sub-freshman 
class, although he fails to say that the number of students 
in the collegiate department at Emory College (not coun- 
ting sub-freshmen) was during the past year 207, while the 
number at Athens, counting post-graduates, seniors, juniors, 
sophomores, freshmen and electives in both Franklin Col- 
lege and the State College of Agriculture, was only 161. 

I may add that it might be proper to organize a su)'- 
freshman class at Athens (I have heard it was established 
by the trustees the other day, though I have seen no notice 
of it in the papers); but if it were established with free 
tuition provided by legislative appropriations and funding 
acts, it would be illogical to deny that it was intended to 
create by it an unfair competition with the Gordon Insti- 
tute, the Moreland Park Academy, Prof. Meagley's school 
and other similar institutions. Men are supposed to intend 
the consequences of their acts. 

Here is an interesting paragraph which shows the Uni- 
versity has suffered from the land scrip as well as the 
land scrip from the University. Col. Hammond says : 

" To make room for other studies we crowd the sopho- 
more year perhaps too much, but I submit that when it is 
considered how many other things the United States Acts 
of 1862 and of 1887 require us as holders of the land scrip 
fund to teach, we cannot arrange our curriculum with the 
exact regard to a mere college course as freely or perhaps 
as scientifically right as we could do were no such contract 
obligation resting upon us. " 

But while there is doubtless much truth in what Colonel 
Hammond here says, his explanation does not explain 
The overcrowding of mathematics in the sophomore year 
is not in the Agricultural College course, but in the A. B. 



67 

course which, if I understand the catalogue, belongs only 
to Franklin College. That college ought not to be affected 
by the United States Acts of 1862 and 1887 unless Frank- 
lin College is using the land scrip which was appropriated 
to the State College of Agriculture. 

That I be not further tedious to your readers, I hasten 
to consider a personal complaint of Colonel Hammond. 
Referring to my criticism of his unhappy allusion to Mr. 
Seney he says : 

"Had Dr. Candler asked some sensible, candid friend 
privatoly whether he could so inquire with propriety, I 
think the question would not have been asked publicly. I 
think his friend would have told him that it was unfair to 
leave off my words : 'It is wrong to assail a man's motives 
without strong evidence,' which words stood immediately 
in front of the remark which he has thus garbled as quoted 
above. I think his friend would have t )ld him that 
to class me with 'certain lewd fellows of the baser sort,' 
making charges against the dead, that his remark that he 
'had not expected to see the vile slander introduced to 
public notice by a worthy gentleman, and he a Methodist, 
even though he should do so by suggestion or illustration,' 
and the capping of his climax with the words that 'such a 
man as Colonel Hammond ought to abhor such a charge,' 
made his inquiry and his comments thereon not only an 
absolute perversion of my n\eaning, ))ut also insulting. 
They did excite in me just indignation, but I trust that 
even that has passed away. I know that Dr. Candler did 
not intend them as an insult. I attribute them to his 
naturally coml)ative nature." 

That the public may clearly judge between us on this 
issue I reprint, even at the risk of wearying your readers, 
his original words and my comment upon them. I asked: 

"May 1 enquire if Colonel Hammond designed to cast 
odium upon the cause of Emory College and the good 
name of her benefactor by suggesting interrogatively a 
charge he was unwilling to make affirmatively when he 
jDenned the following : 



68 



"Suppose one should fix the date of Mr. Seney's gifts tO' 
Emory and Wesleyan Female College and then show that 
soon afterwards he obtained from Georgia the charter of 
the East Tennessee, V^irginia and Georgia Kailroad Com- 
pany, so damaging to the Western and Atlantic Railroad, 
which it paralleled, and which the State owned, and then 
charge that the Methodists in the General Assembly who 
voted for that charter were by Seney's gifts to her col- 
leges, bribed to do a wronj; to the State? Would there not 
be just indignation." 

On this paragraph I commented as follows : 

"I understand that some years ago 'certain lewd fellows 
of the baser sort' tried to give currency to this unworthy 
charge against the man who gave more to higher educa- 
tion in Georgia than any man ever gave ; but I had not ex- 
pected to see the vile slander introduced to public notice by 
a worthy gentleman and he a Methodist, even though he- 
should do so by suggestion or illustration. It is a charge 
opprobrious to the Methodists of the State, as well as libel- 
ous upon Mr. Seney. It can have no standing among the 
respectable people of Georgia until they have Ijecome so 
degraded that ingratitude cannot disgrace them and the re- 
quital of generous help with scandalous abuse will bring 
no blush to their cheeks. Such a man as Colonel Ham- 
mond ought abhor such a charge." 

It will be seen at a glance that the platitude which pre- 
ceeded Colonel Hammond's allusion to Mr. Seney and 
which was omitted for the sake of economizing space, (for 
my article was necessarily long) does not, in the slightest 
change the sense of what he said, and that to omit it was 
not to "garble" his words. 

He is right when he says he knows I did not intend to 
insult him. For Colonel N. J. Hammond, I have the high- 
est respect personally, and on many occasions, both pri- 
vately and publicly, I have expressed my esteem of him. 
But I should be unworthy the position I hold and of the 
confidence of my people if I failed to resent any aspersion 
cast on the name of George -I. Seney, for his gifts to 



69 



Emory College and the Wesleyan Female College. Know- 
ing Colonel Hammond as a man of extensive resources, I 
could not understand why, from among thousands of pos- 
sible illustrations of his truism concerning "a man's mo- 
tives" he should have chosen the illustration he did choose 
imless he meant for it to serve other purposes than those 
of illustration. This was the most natural interpretation 
on the face of the paragraph, and was the more natural 
when I remembered that this sneer at Mr. Seney was 
uttered in certain quarters some years ago. Of this, how- 
ever, Colonel Hammond says he had no knowledge and I 
accept in good faith his disavowal of any intention to re- 
flect on Mr. Seney. His illustration was certainly, how- 
ever, very infelicitous, and he should be thankful for the 
opportunity to disclaim its apparent purpose, for I was 
not alone in my view of it. Indeed, I may frankly con- 
tess It irritated me and. being irriiaied 1 waa unwilling w 
print anything in reply without careful consideration. 
Hence I read the paragraph before it was printed to three 
prominent gentlemen, the peers of Colonel Hammond in 
age, experience, culture and piety. Without either of 
them knowing the opinion expressed by the other two, they 
unanimously agreed that my interrogation was proper and 
my comment just. At the suggestion of one of them I 
changed the last sentence which I had written thus: 
"Such a charge Colonel Hammond cannot fail to abhor," 
so that it read, "such a man as Colonel Hammond ought 
to abhor such a char^^ ■"* 



* All the three approved it '-unanimously" as it appeared. The 
friend who suggested the change was the last to whom I showed the 
paragraph before it was printed. When it was published all ap- 
proved it Commenting on the paragraph in a subsequent letter 
Co onel Hammond said : "I have no further comment to make except 
that I think that had I had so much doubt as to the propriety of any- 
thing I had written in such a discussion that it took the bolstering 
advice of three friends as to its propriety, before pub ic utterance, 
it would not have been published " Quite likely, but when did 
Colonel Hammond ever d .ubt the propriety of anything he ever said 
or did, or of anything he was about to say or do? Witness his in- 
felicitous allusion to Mr. Seney. 



70 

I have desired to avoid any possible injustice to Colonel 
Hammond and have not applied to him an epithet as 
strong even as the word "combative." I complain of noth- 
ing he has written. I never whine in controversy. 

If I have done him injustice I regret it, and offer him 
apologies. The illustration which he chose to use was very 
infelicitous. Had he asked some sensible, candid friend 
privately if he could use it with propriety, I think his 
question about Mr. Seney would not have been asked pub- 
licly, and I should have been spared the necessity of even 
temporarily Avounding my distinguished friend in dis- 
charging a duty which I conceived I owed to the memory 
of the dead benefactor of the college over which I have 
the honor to preside. 

W. A. CANDLER. 



71 



CHAPTER V 



'CANDLER TO HAMMOND A PARTING WORD. 



From Atlanta Constitution of July 33, 1893. 

Editor Constitution : "The best of friends must part," 
and I must take leave of my friend, Colonel N. J. Ham- 
mond. I should have attended to the formality earlier 
after his notice that he must be going,* but undischarged 
responsibilities which accumulated during my absence in 
Kentucky last week have absorbed my attention for sev- 
eral days past to the exclusion of other things 

It is not necessary to multiply words in parting, for my 
friend and I may meet again ; but I canno: allow him to 
depart without relieving' his mind of some misapprehen- 
sions under which he seems laboring concerning my fair- 
ness on certain points. On the main issue of fact and law- 
he seems now to have about agreed with me and when I 
shall have removed the few remaining misapprehensions 
which I have mentioned perhaps w^e shall see eye to eye. 

In reference to the rej-ort of Messrs. I. H. Hand and A- 
C Hill on the land scrip, he says : 

"I have been unable to find the paper which Dr. Cand- 
ler spoke of as a report on this subject. His language 
was : 'A report to the legislature some year or two ago 
signed by Hon. I. H. Hand and Hon. A. C. Hill, said,' etc. 
I have been told that it is a minor'ty report of two leading 
Alliancemen. If it be a minority report the doctor ought to 
have so called it, lest he should mislead his readers, as 
would a lawyer mislead who would read a dissenting argu- 



*In his reply to the letter which makes Chapter IV of this book. 
Col. Hammond had said: "Other points need to be noticed, but cir- 
cumstances compel tlie closing of tliese weekly lettei'S." 



72 

ment as the opinion of the court. I have heard of such 
conduct in 'justice-courts.' " 

My friend seems to have an infirmity about not being 
able to find things. This report he will find ou pages 729 
to 734, house journal, of 1891. (It is not found in Cobb's 
new digest,* but the book in which it may be found can be 
had at the capitol in Atlanta or at the office of the ordi- 
nary in any county). I did not have a copy of the house 
journal when I wrote my first letter. (Since Colonel 
Hammond's constitutional provision was adopted the 
State does not publish its legislative Acts at sectarian 
institutions). I had a pamphlet copy only of the report 
signed by Messrs. Hand and Hill. It is a minority report, 
as any justice court lawyer would know when I said it was 
signed by only two members and was a report to the legis- 
lature, and therefore the work of a joint committee. The 
majority report is by three memliers (just one more than 
the minority), and itself is such interesting reading that 
I regret I did not have it when I wrote my first letter. 
That my friend may have a taste of both, I will in this 
letter give him a quotation from the majority report hav- 
ing given him a paragraph from the minority in my 
former letter. That he may have no trouble in finding it, 
I will say that it is found on pages 756 to 758, house jour- 
nal, of 1891, and in it is this paragraph : 

"So interwoven are the two colleges that it is almost 
impossible to say what number of students are taught in 
each college, as students attending one receive the benefit 
of the other, if desired. We doubt if the legislature of the 
State by legislative enactment has ever located under 
the terms of the Act of the general government, the State 
College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, and this ques- 
tion should be settled once and for all." 

Put this alongside of section 4, of the Act of Congress, 
July, 1862, creating the land scrip, which i)rovides that it 

*C'ol. Hnmniond in acknowledgino- liis error about the .^ ct of 1830, 
had intimated he was mis ed by Cobb's New Digest. 



73 

*'shall be a perpetual fund and shall never be used (except 
as in this Act, provided in section 5), and the interest of 
which shall be inviolably appropriated by each State, 
which may take and claim the benefit of this Act, to the 
endowment, support and maintenance of at least one col- 
lege, where the leading object shall be, without excluding 
other scientific and classical studies, and including mili- 
tary tactics, to teach such branches of learning as are re- 
lated to agriculture and the mechanic arts, in such manner 
as the legislatures of the States may respectively prescribe, 
in order to promote the liberal education of the industrial 
classes, in the several pursuits and professions in life." 

It appears that the committee doubted, and with good 
reason, the existence of any legally constituted State 
college of agriculture in Georgia, though the money has 
been used twenty years. The institution which they de- 
scribed as so "interwoven" with the University as not to 
be distinguished in the matter of the students of each, 
seems to be a sort of phantom affair — "now you see me; 
now you don't." Did the Act of Congress mean such an 
arrangement? Is the good faith of Georgia to be put in 
doubt in order to allow the Agricultural College fund to 
be used for University purposes ? 

Let my friend take choice between the reports, either 
the minority or the majority, as suits him. They are both 
interesting reading, whether read separately or together. 
They can be found in house journal, 1891, at the ordinary's 
office. 

Speaking with reference to my assertion that an Epis- 
copal Methodist was never Chancellor of the University, 
(an assertion which is strictly true) my friend says: 

"Why did he not tell how we tried to make Dr. Hopkins, 
when he recently left the presidency of Emory, the Chan- 
cellor of the University, and were prevented only by the 
fact that he preferred to be at the head of the Technological 
College, where he is now so ably serving the State?" 

I will tell him frankly, it was because I did not know it. 



74 



I do not even remember to have heard so much as a rumor 
that Dr. Hopkins was approached on the subject. I now 
learn, however, that individual members of the board of 
trustees wrote him privately, and he declined th3 proposal. 
It is surely not to be supposed that I would have know- 
ledge of such a correspondence. What assurances of elec- 
tion they gave him or how well they might have been able 
to fulfil their assurances I do not know. I only hear that 
Dr. Hopkins, when President of Emory College, was writ- 
ten to and asked to allow the use of his name in the elec- 
tion for Chancellor, at Athens. Dr. Strickler was really 
elected, I believe, and declined after the election. It was 
perhaps thought best to sound Dr. Hopkins beforehand, 
because of his well-known opposition to the free tuition 
scheme of the University, for he had said in his report, 
as President of Emory College, to the Conferences in 1886: 

"It is gratifying to say that there is a growing reaction 
in the minds of our people against an iniquity which has 
been too long endured. I refer to the fact that thinking men 
of our own and other denominations feel that something 
is wrong somewhere, when they must not only help their 
own struggling institutions, but at the same time pay taxes 
to support a system of free college tuition in the institu- 
tions of the State. Whatever our legislators may do in 
the days to come to remedy this injustice, our people 
should see to it now that their own college has no ground 
of complaint against them for failing to foster and protect 
it." 

I do not know if this printed utterance of Dr. Hopkins 
was the reason for sounding him beforehand. So far as I 
know, however, he was never elected, though Col. Ham- 
mond says he declined. It may be that the reason he de- 
clined to be called away from the service of his alma mater' 
to the University at Athens was found in what he vigor 
ously declared to be "an iniquity too long endured." He 
is not a man to participate in iniquity. 



75 



My honored friend gives ns some more history after this 
style : 

"When the University began Methodist and Baptist in- 
fluence was not so predominant in Georgia as now. There 
were not a handful of either here. It seems, therefore, a 
little unfair thus to count against the University all the 
years prior to 1836, when our first denominational college 
was chartered." 

This is not good history. The Methodists were more 
numerous in Georgia in 1801, when the University started 
than were the members of the church to which all the 
chancellors of the University belonged from 1801 to 1860. 
I cannot speak so positively about the Baptists, but as far 
back as 1805, they were strong enough to plan for a college 
of their own and petitioned the legislature for a charter 
for it without success. I cannot give their numbers in the 
year 1801, but I doubt not they also were more numerous 
than the church of the chancellors, for in 1829, when Dr. 
Alonzo Church, of VeruKHit, was elected to the chancellor- 
ship, the white members of the Methodist church in Geor- 
gia numbered about nineteen thousand, and the white Bap- 
tists were over twenty thousand, while in 1849 — twenty years 
later — the Presbyterians numbered but 5,059 — (See White's 
Statistics.) Among the Georgia Baptists in 1829 were such 
great men as Henry J. Ripley, Adiel Sherwood, W. T. 
Brantly, Sr., and among tiie Methodists I need mention 
only Stephen Olin. of whom in 1842, Alexander Stephens 
wrote to his l^rother Linton that he would not have given 
the advantages which he derived from Olin's methods as 
a professor ''for all my college course besides." Olin was 
then a professor at Athens. But a chancellor was brought 
from Vermont, as Chancellor Meigs had been previously 
brought from Connecticut. Finley from New Jersey, and 
Brown and Waddell, from South Carolina. In this con 
nection, I might from some old Georgia newspapers of about 
that period "unfold a tale" of how Olin finally came to 



76 

leave Athens which would enforce all I have said. But I 
forbear. Let that go.* 

Here is another brief quotation from my friend's last 
piece : 

"The State's field of action is in the common schools 
and in the University and its branches. What she can- 
not furnish in the former must be had in the latter, unless 
she abandons the field of higher education and turns it 
over to our denominational colleges and to colleges outside 
of Georgia. To that I am opposed. That Dr. Candler 
seems to favor." 

My friend must surely know better what my postion on 
"this subject is. He read my pamphlet of September 6, 
1889, for he seems to read and preserve most of what I 
publish. It is well. It will do him good as doth the truth 
the upright in heart. In that pamphlet, from which he 
•quotes HO often, he found the following words of mine ana 
he should not have forgotten to quote them : 

"Most of the people in Georgia, who patronize colleges 
.at all prefer the church schools. They do not say to the 
minority who prefer to patronize the University at Athens. 
'You shall patronize our schools;' but they do say to the 
minority, 'If you prefer not to patronize a religious school, 
do as we do, and pay for what you prefer.' They do not 
say, as they have been unfairly represented as saying, 
'Only denominational colleges succeed, and only denomi- 
national colleges should succeed,' but they do say the 
State should not toll taxes from the denominations, and 
then devote a part of its funds to a policy designed to hin- 
der the denominational colleges from succeeding." 



♦Another scrap of history is interesting in this connection. About 
the time Dr. Oliu left Athens, Judge A. B. Longstreet was also de- 
feated for a professorship there. Some said it was because he was a 
Methodist. But the most common belief was that it was for politi- 
cal reasons, his views on nullification not being acceptable to the 
party in Georgia which then had predominant influence in the Board 
of Trustees of the University. Suppose two political parties, like 
those of Troup and Clark, in 18:>n, were again to appear in (Georgia, 
.undone should get control of the TJniversity. Would the school 
teach protection or free trade, bimetalism or monometalism '? 



77 

Referring to my opposition to the funding Act of 1891,. 
he says ; 

"He is a great friend of the common schools, whose- 
bonds were funded in 1873 at 7 per cent, for 100 years, at 
which he has not complained. The interest is the same as 
to both, the time doubled as to the common school. The 
University has no bonds to fall due in 1896, and should any- 
body give her some and the State instead of paying them 
off should accept them and agree to devote their interest 
only to educating her sons at Athens, no great harm can 
come. Dr. Candler suggests none, except that thereby there 
may be more students at Athens and fewer at Oxford 
than might be otherwise." * 

I answer : The funding bill for the common school 
fund, approved February 19, 1873, was essentially differ- 
ent from the University's funding bill of 1881, as any- 
one can see by comparing them. As far as I can ascertain 
the common schools have never received anything from 
this source and it was repealed by section 43 of " an Act 
to amend ; revise and consolidate the common school 
laws " approved October 27, 1887. This Act specifically 
declares of the common school fund that it " shall not be 
invested in bonds of this State, or in other stock except 
when investment is necessary to carry oui the conditions 
of an endowment, devise, gift or bequest. " Why did Col. 
Hammond roll out a Quaker gun in the face of this law of 
1887. Was he ignorant of it, or did he think the public 



* On pages 134 and 135 Col. Hammond calls attention to the fact 
tliat he mentioned this funding bill twice before i replied and that I 
was nearly a month replying. He seems to attach much value to the 
fact as if it conta ned some deep significance. The explanation is 
very simple: The Atlanta Constitution used its Sunday editions only 
for printing all the Colonel's iiieces and most of mine, he writing 
one Sunday and I the next. Hence, if any point was overlooked 
even for one letter it would be adjourned nearly a month. The point 
he made about this funding bill was so "empty" and worthless I 
forgot to answer it until he made it the second time. 



78 

ignorant?* Maybe he was again misled by "Cobb's 
Kew Digest. " The common schools never received any- 
thing from the Act of 1873, but the University has already 
funded about $275,000, and from it rea])s an indirect ap- 
propriation of over $9,000 annually l)y thus doublii^.g the 
interest which the people pay. 

Against the University funding bill I have already sug- 
gested its unconstitutionality because it increases the 
bonded debt of the State, or may do so, and because it 
does this in order to maintain an unfair competition with 
Mercer and Emory, though at the present rate the scheme 
fails, for Athens is behind both of them, the attend 
ance at Athens by the catalogue in 1892-'93 being 161, in 
college (not 210 as Colonel Hammond erroneously states), 
11 in the winter course of agriculture, ''so-called," and 
38 in law; while at Emory there were 207 in college alone 
and 67 sub-freshmen. 

The colonel continues : 

"It is true that, so far as the law is concerned, a Mussul- 
man or an agnostic may now be a professor at- Athens. 
And so he may be at Oxford or Macon, 'so far as the law 
is concerned.' In each college the sole protection is the 
character of the electing ])ody and none otlier is needed." 

Since the Colonel is head of the "electing body" at 
Athens, I should like to know if it is truej as I have heard, 



* On page 137 of his book Co'. Hammond shows that this funding 
bill was rei^ealed even earlier than I said viz: February 25, 1870. 
This I did not kuov.' when I wrote, indeed I had no copy of the Acts 
of 1S7G at hand. But in my opinion the Act of 1,S87 would have oper- 
ated to repeal the Act of 1873 if the law of 187i> had not already 
done so. As the law of 1887 was an Act to "revise, amend and 
consolidate " all the school laws then in existence, my opinion 
seems just, for it embraced the law of 187(5 w^ith all the rest. In 
justice to Col. Hammond I am bound to say tha.t I now have the best 
of reason for saying he did not know the Act of 1873 had been re- 
pealed when he first called attention to it. 

On p^ge 13'J of his book, in the part added since "circumstances 
closed his weekly letters, " Col. Hammond suggests that the passage 
of the Act of 1873 was an endorsement by the State of the policy of 
funding " school incomes. " If so its repeal indk;ates the with- 
drawal of such endorsement. Why isn't the University's funding 
bill also repealed ? 



79 

that one or more instructors in the University are not 
members of any church. Such could not be elected at 
Emory or Mercer. The electing bodies at these instituticns 
are so bound to the Georgia Conferences and the Baptist 
Convention as to make such an election impossible. They 
may elect other than Methodists at Emory, for Patrick 
Mell once taught there; or they may elect other than Bap- 
tists at Mercer, for there are Methodists in Mercer's law 
faculty. But no man can be elected at either place who is 
not a Christian at all.* 

There are sundry other petty sophistries and misappre- 
hensions in my friend's last communication, but I will 
not mar the peace of this parting hour by exposing them. 
The public sees through them already and he will too, b}'- 
and by. 

Now, let us all rise and join hands and sing that old 
familiar song, "Farewell, Farewell, is a Lonely Sound," or, 
if any prefer we will sing, "Then You'll Remember Me." 

W. A. CANDLER 



* " The character of the electing body!" But what guarantees 
that in a State scliool? Political, not religious, influences most com- 
monly control in the appointing of such bodies. The Board of 
Trustees at Athens in l.SoO was increased in order to overcome polit- 
ical influences then supposed to control it, and the body was consti- 
tuted of an equal number of Troup and Clark men to prevent tlu- 
recurrence of such a state of things. History may yet repeat itself 
in Georgia. 



80 



APPENDIX. 



An effort has been made by some persons in Georgia to 
weaken the force of what the writer has said concerning 
higher education by charging that his views were the j)i"o- 
duct of his relation to Emory College as its president. The 
injustice of this chaige will be apparent when the follow- 
ing pages are read. They ai'e made up of three editorials 
which were written when the writer was an editor of the 
Nashville Christian Advocate. They appeared in that 
journal more than a year before he was elected presi- 
dent of Emory College and when he had not the remot- 
est idea of ever being the president of that or any other 
educational institution. 

The conclusions reached in these editorials were the re- 
sult of an investigation of facts. The investigation was 
made with no other purpose than to find the truth, and to 
present it as clearly and forcibly as the writer could. 
He was in no wise influenced by personal or official inter- 
ests ; there were no such interests involved in the subjects 
discussed. 

It may be added without impropriety that if he had 
consulted personal interests he would never have accepted 
the presidency of Emory College. He undertook that 
work with full knowledge that it would bring him losses, 
but with the conviction that to do so was to undertake a 
duty he owed his church and his native State. The losses 
have been sustained. The duty has been discharged as 
best he could. By the record he is willing to be judged. 
False charges against the honesty and eincerity of his 
motives do not change the facts of Georgia's school his- 
tory which he has set forth, nor impair the force of his 
plea for the education of the masses, nor disturb his peace 
of mind. 



81 



ABOUT HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES. 



(From NashvilU Christian Advocate, May, 1SS7.) 

It appears from the last report of the Commissioner of 
Education of the United States that there are in our 
country 365 colleges and universities, manned by 4,836 
instructors, and attended by 65,728 pupils. These 
J'lhtitiitioiis own property in productive funds, grounds 
and buildings, to the amount of 1105,307,117. 

These valuable "plants" are to a great extent under the 
influence, if not the direct control, of the church of God.* 
It is of record that they have paid good dividends of 
intellectual power and religious usefulness to their des^out 
founder and patron. 

*The following paragraph taken from a recent issue of that great 
Presbyterian paper, the Liferior, brintjs tlie st itistlcs down to d ite, and 
enforces the conclusions drawn from tlie figures: 

"The remarkable growth of American colleges is the direct result of 
American liberality. What has been accomplished has been accom- 
plished not primarily by State, but chiefly by the churcii and indi- 
viduals. Xo self-supporting system of education has been found 
possible for the people. The necessary cost of a college education is 
still paid, and for all we can see must continue to be paid, by philan- 
thropists and patriots. The present Commissioner of Education, 
after an exhaustive stvidy of the problem, finds that tlirougliout our 
41.5 colleges tvvo-tliirds of the cost of tuition and other necessary 
expenses are paid out of endowments, one-third only being met by 
tuition fees. And it is a fact worth remembering that while the ten 
largest State Univer.sities have endowments of $17,(ini),000, the ten 
largest ecclesiastical colleges own $ US, 955, 000 of property; and the 
ten principal colleges endowed by individuals are worth •1Jj21,S56,000. 
It will seem no less strange to those who receive their information 
only through the non-religious journals, to be told that of 45,000 
students who can be called students, only 10,000, according to gov- 
ernment reports, are in tlie institutions from which religious teach- 
ing is so carefully excluded. Tlie propoi'tion of students in denom- 
inational and privately endowed colleges is greater to-day than it 
was forty years ago. And so far from these institutions losing their 
hold upon the American public, they are steadily receiving from 
$2,250,000 to $8,000,000 a year in fresh endowments." 



82 

Of these 365 institutions of learning, 278 are denomi- 
national schools, and in them 3,509 instructors teach over 
50,000 pupils. 

Most of the presidents of the remaining 87 non-sectarian 
schools* are ministers of the gospel. States may furnish 
money to make schools, but they must come to the 
church to man them. The learning and unselfishness 
required for such work are not produced in sufficient abun- 
dance outside the church to supply the demand. 

In these facts a thoughtful person will find much 
material for profitable meditation. In them the ignorant 
religionist who looks with suspicion on learning, and the 
arrogant scientist who looks with contempt on religion, 
will alike find correction of their folly. 

But chiefly the educational secularist will find rebuke 
and instruction by a careful consideration of the facts 
brought to our attention Ijy the Commissioner's report. 
It has come to be quite the fashion in some quarters to 
decry sectarianism in education, and eulogize educational 
work performed by the State. Suppose in obedience to 
this cry, the church should abandon the work of higher 
education in this country. What result should we expect? 
Nearly three-fourths of all the colleges in the land would 
be closed, and more than four-fifths of all the students 
pursuing collegiate courses in the United States would be 
turned out of doors. 

The church cannot abdicate this important function nor 
renounce the educational policy it involves. If there is 
any subject concerning which she has a right to speak and 
to be heard, it is the higher education of the people. No 
secular agent, private or public, has done so much for the 
cause as she. No one is doing so much. From Harvard, 
the oldest, down to the latest established, there is hardly 
an institution of learning in the country that did not have 



*"N'ot half of the 87 are State schools. Such colleges as Harvard 
and Yale are counted among the 87. 



83 

its birth in, and its growth from, Christianity. If denom- 
inationalism be such a horrible evil as some would have 
us believe, we should make haste to take down the walls 
of nearly all our schools of higher grade and brush the 
bricks and stone, for they were laid in denominational 
mortar. 

But, after all, it may appear that church schools do 
rather better work, as well as more of it, than any other 
kind of schools. If we remember correctly, Daniel Web- 
ster was graduated from that good old denominational 
college of the Congregationalists, Dartmouth, and John C. 
Calhoun was prepared for college at a Presbyterian acad- 
emy conducted by the Rev. Dr. Waddel, subsequently 
graduating from Yale College, and bearing to the last the 
Calvinistic imprint of old Timothy D wight, then president 
of that institution. It was Rev. John Harvard who gave 
the first money and a name to the oldest college in America? 
Hud Yale was first projected as a religious school under the 
trusteeship of the ten principal ministers of the colony of 
Connecticut. In the establishment of William and Mary 
College, the Virginians voted "that for the advance of learn- 
ing, education of youth, supply of the ministry, and pro- 
motion of piety, there be land taken upon purchases for 
a college and free schoole, and that there be, with as much 
speede as may be convenient, houseing erected thereon for 
entertainment of students and schollars." The General 
Assembly asked for a royal endowment of the college, "to 
the end that the Church of Virginia may be furnished with 
a semenary of ministers of the gospel, and that the youth 
may be piously educated in good letters and manners, and 
that the Christian faith may be propagated amongst the 
the Western Indians to the glory of Almighty God. " 

From all of which it appears that from the earliest his- 
tory of the Colonies to the present time, the church of God 
has done the most and the best which has been done for 
the higher education of the peoj)le in this country. The 
State, when compared with her, is but a novice in the busi- 



84 

nes9. In colonial times the State took a hand in educa- 
tion because, under the forms of a religious establishment, 
it took the oversight of the church. The work was left to 
the church to direct, and when under republican govern- 
ment, church and State were separated it should have been 
still left so. It belongs to her, and she will continue to 
prosecute with success this godly work long after the 
world has condemned the awkward effort of the State as 
an unauthorized intrusion upon the field of personal and 
ecclesiastical responsibility. Her ministrations in these 
holy things will be welcomed by the people when the edu- 
cational ventures of the State shall have been discarded as 
relics of the impertinent paternalism of a monarchic age. 



85 
II. 

A VICIOUS AND OPPRESSIVE POLICY. 



(From Nashville Christian Advocate, May, 1S87.) 

In determining what ought to be the educational policy 
of this'country, it is important to know what the people 
prefer, because under republican government the will of 
the people should be respected, and when they indicate a 
decided opinion thty commonly have a reason for it. Do 
the people of the United States prefer that the work of 
higher education shall be done by the State or by the 
church? Let the answer be found in the facts reported 
by the Commissioner of Education. 

From his reoort it annears that in this country there 
are 278 denominational coiiwgeB and universities, suppheu 
with 3,509 teachers, and attended by 53,856 students ; 
while there are of non-sectarian institutions, (including 
both State and private establishments) 87 schools, with 
1,327 teachers and 11,872 pupils. If these figures are com- 
pared, it will appear that there is an average of about 193 
pupils and 13 teachers to each church school, while there 
is an average of only about 136 pupils and 15 teachers to 
each secular school. From these figures it is manifest the 
people of the United States have a decided preference for 
education by the church. 

Their choice in the matter will appear the more remark- 
able if we remember tliat the 87 non-sectarian schools own 
property in grounds, buildings, and productive funds 
to the amount of $54,104,271, while the 278 denomina- 
tional schools have only $51,202,846. Parents prefer send- 
ing their children to church schools, though the teachers 
iire fewer and the appliances of instruction less costly than 
those of non-sectarian institutions. 

What reasons can be given for this choice of the 
people? 



86 

We opine the first and greatest reason is, the people of 
this country who are able to give their children college 
training are mostly religious people, and therefore prefer 
that their children shall be religiously instructed as no 
non-sectarian or State school can instruct them. While 
religion does not always enrich people, irreligion does 
much to impoverish them, and collegiate ojiportunities be- 
ing for the most part open to well-to-do people only, it 
comes to pass that quite tlie largest i)art of the population 
which patronize colleges is religious. Morever, before a 
man cares for college training for his children, he must 
have acquired a certain degree of taste and refinement, 
and these also are very dependent upon religion for tlieir 
production. Having derived these benefits from their 
churches, the people feel that tiie education of their chil- 
dren cannot be entrusted to wiser hands than those of the 
churches, and the churches feel that their past achieve- 
ments and prospective successes must not ]je imperiled by 
leaving the work of higher education to godless establish- 
ments.* 

The people are wise to demand that higher education 
shall be accomplished under the most positive and pro- 
nounced religious influences. The study of both the 
physical and the metaphysical sciences raises so many 
questions in religion that the work of teaching these sub- 
jects, if committed to persons like the teachers in State 
schools, whose position is one of enforced neutrality, will 
most likely result in producing indifference or hostility to 
Christianity. Christian parents cannot afford to take the 
risk on the piety of their children which education by State 
schools inevitably involves. 

Another reason why the people prefer the schools of the 
church to the schools of the State is that they are more 
accessible to persons of moderate means. The atmosj^here 
of State universities is for the most part stimulating to 

* A school must not avoid simply becoming anti-Christian. It 
must not be neutral — unchristian. 



aristocratic pretensions and extravagance. When tuition 
is made free at these institutions, the cost of attending 
them is still greater than the necessary expenses of a 
student at a religious institution which charges tuition 
fees. State schools in the United States can never be pat- 
ronized by the masses. They are the luxury of the rich 
provided by taxation of the poor. 

What right has the State to tax the poor, and the re- 
ligious people who prefer religious schools, in order to 
provide colleges and universities for the children of rich 
men who are too godless to patronize a religious institu- 
tion, and too stingy to establish schools of their <jwn. If 
these gentlemen are too broad-minded t) educate their 
aristosratic offspring at denouiinational collegr33, why do 
they not unite in the establishment of broad, li):>eralistic 
institutions? JVlost of the people who patronize colleg.^s 
in this country have been able to found schools for them- 
selves, and have paid taxes to sustain schools for our privi- 
leged classes besides. Surely the men whose culture over- 
leaps all seccarian bounds, are able to erect institutions to 
their liking. That they do not do so, but depend upon 
the State to provide such institutions for them, is a 
shame. It is educational m^idicancy. That the State be- 
stows this charity up>u them is acriai3. It is robbing 
the poor to give advantages to the rich. . It is unrepubli- 
can in every part. It belongs to monarchs to patronize 
learning and pander to the whims of privileged classes by 
exacting tribute of the common people. 

Whatever be the right and duty of the State in the 
matter of elementary education, it requires no argument 
to prove that it has no more right to establish colleges 
and universities than it has to establish religion. It is 
quite time to begin a movement for disestablishment. 
The people have condemned the policy as unworthy of 
their patronage, and the people are right. It is a vicious 
and oppressive policy. 



III. 

DISESTABLISHMENT AND THE DISESTABLISHED. 



{From the Nashville Christian Advocate, May, 1887.) 

In the articles which we have been printing on higher 
•education in the United States we have insisted that the 
State has no more right to establish colleges and univer- 
sities than it has to establish a form of religion. Accord- 
ingl}^, we have urged the disestablishment of the State 
schools now existing in some states. The friends of these 
institutions, as well as other friends of the general cause 
of education, may be inclined to resist our proposition on 
accoui\t of their fear that disestablishment would involve 
luiic crippling or death of thesB inHtituTions. It is proper 
therefore, that we consider the question, what effect will 
disestablishment have upon the disestaldished schools ? 

We answer, that whatever might be the effect in other 
directions, none of them would perish which deserve to 
live. It is not creditable to the faculties of these institu- 
tions to say that they would die if the State withdrew its 
support. Other schools are living without this support, 
and a school which, after years of State aid, is not strong 
enough to survive in the open field of competition and on 
a basis of its merits alone, is a school which is not fit to 
live. The money now being spent on such a school is 
w^orse than wasted — it is squandered in sustaining an edu- 
cational swindle. We have too high an estimate of the 
gifts and attainments of the teachers at these institutions 
to believe for a moment that they could not sustain them- 
selves if the State should withdraw its help. They can 
swim without the State holding its hand under them or 
tying gourds about their bodies. More than this, we are 
satisfied that if State aid were withdrawn, they would be 
better sustained than they are now with it. 

Until 1865, Harvard was more or less under the control 



89 

-of the State. In that year its connection with the com- 
monwealth was dissolved and the control of the University- 
was vested in its alumni. At thaj, time the total number 
of instructors in all of its departments was 45, and the 
total number of students was 936, and in less than ten 
years (1874) the number of instructors had increased to 
110, and the number of students to 1,174, while the pro- 
■ductive funds and library showed almost as large a gain. 
The writer of the article on Harvard University in the 
American Cyclojjedia says : " The University has no 
funded property from the public treasury, l)ut has always 
depended upon the revenues from students and the gifts of 
individuals, which have far surpassed in number and mag- 
nitude those made to any other American institution of 
learning. " 

In tliG same luiblicatioii it is said : " Yale Colle::2 liac 
received but little aid from the State, and has dependea 
mostly on the revenues derived from students and the gifts 
of individuals. " Facts to the same purpose might be 
drawn readily from the history of other institutions of 
learning it our space allowed. 

We make no question that the hand of the Sta'te which 
has been stretched out to serve certain schools has hin- 
dered more than it has helped the cause of higher educa- 
tion. The whole policy has been one which repressed the 
liberality of the rich by a too gsnerous bestowal of educa- 
tional facilities, provided by exacting taxes of the common 
people. It may seem a hard saying, but it is true, that this 
policy has been one of injustice to the poor and of demor- 
alization to the rich. Worst of all, it has made educa- 
tional cossets* of schools which would have been strong 
and enterprising if they had been left to work out their 
own salvation. It is not too late to save them now, and 
were they disestablished the stimulus thereby given to the 
zeal of their conductors and the benevolence of their 



•■■Cosset — "a lamb brought up by hand " (Centui'y Dictionar y i.e. 
on a bottle. 



90 

friends would largeh^ exceed the value of the aid with- 
drawn. _ 
In addition to this fyiancial benefit they would then be ■ 
in position to enlarge their course of study so as to include 
instruction in religion and kindred subjects. The narrow- 
ness of what are called 'State universities is nothing short 
of ridiculous. Pagan Athens would laugh at a university 
that omittbd to teach concerning the highest part of human 
nature. The neutrality upon questions of religion which 
is enforced at State colleges by their position is incompat- 
ible with the work of higher education. It is impossible 
to teach any thing in philosophy with fairness and fullness 
if the teacher is restrained from discussing the religious 
side of the subject. Physical science will be taught very 
imperfectly if the instructor is not permitted to lead the 
class along the line where scientific knowledge impinges 
on religious truth. But, on these points, a teacher in a 
State school must be absolutely dumb, or he trespasses on 
the rights of citizens who are taxed to pay his salary. The 
spirit of independence in the man is thus throttled, and 
he touches the highest questions with the timidity and 
weakness of a ward politician endeavoring to straddle a 
dubious issue. Such a method inevitably damages both 
teacher and pupils, and is fatal to higher education. It 
operates from a position of enforced agnosticism, and re- 
sults in a narrow culture. 



91 



IV 



HOW TO MAKE COMMON SCHOOLS SUCCESSFUL ESPECIALLY IX 
SPARSELY SETTLED COMMUNITIES. 



(The following address was delivered before the South- 
ern Educational Association, assembled in Louisville, Ky., 
July 13th, 1893. 

It is printed in this volume to present a phase of the edu- 
cational question not so fully discussed in any other part 
of this book.) 
Mr. President : 

Thomas Carlyle says: "This I call a tragedy that there 
should one man die ignorant who had capacity for knowl- 
edge." 

This is indeed tragedy. If one who might have seen 
loses sight, or if one who might have walked is lamed for 
life, we call it tragedy. How inuch more tragic is it for 
the mind to remain in darkness and for faculties to be 
crippled ! 

But this sad tragedy is enacted so often among us it 
has ceased to make the impression of tragedy. Even its 
victims do not realize the extent of their injury. The 
newspapers do not report it among their "crimes and cas- 
ualities." Statesmen who would be aroused to intense 
interest and energetic action by an overflow of the Missis" 
sippi or the presence of cholera, observe thousands strug- 
ling in waves of ignorance and tens of thousands perishing 
for lack of knowledge, and are not greatly moved by the 
sight. All the people witness this tragedy from day to 
day and from year to year without comprehending the 
murder of mind and the blight of life going on before them. 

Nowhere in the English speaking world perhaps is this 
tragedy of more frequent occurrence than in the South, 
and nowhere in the South is it more common than in our 



92 

•"sparsely feettled communities." This is true not because 
our people are sinners above all that dwell in Christendom, 
but because our difficulties are greater and our resources 
smaller. The population of the South is composed of two 
distinct and unmixable races, one not rich and the other 
very poor, widely scattered over territory equal to about 
one-fourth the area of Europe, or one-fifth of the national 
domain of the United States. The expansion of this state- 
ment brings out all the perplexing factors of our difficult 
school problem, and the solution of that problem would 
be discovered to-day, if a perfect answer could be formed 
to the question assigned to this hour : "how to make 

•COMMON SCHOOLS KFFICIENT, ESPECIALLY IN SPARSELY 
SETTLED COMMUNITIES." 

Most of the people of the South live outside of all incor- 
Viorated villasfes. towns and cities, and the commoa ech'^"^ 
question of the South is m the main, how to make country 
schools efficient. 

Take for example my own State of Georgia. She has 
of childrnn between 5 and 18 years of age, (the period 
which in this discussion we will call the "schocjl age") 
about 650,000,and not less than 500,000 of them are "country 
children." Her school problem is far more difficult than 
that of Massachusetts, a State, the area of which is only 
about one-seventh that of Georgia, but whose total popu- 
lation exceeds that of Georgia by the difference between 
2,238,943 and 1,837,353 souls. The State of Massachusetts 
with 400,000 more inhal^itants than Georgia, has a 
school population of 130,000 less than Georgia.* (The 
■children of Georgia do not get old as fast as the chil- 
dren of Massachusetts, or else the Georgians have more 
■children. Boston culture seems not to bring the blessing 



*Ia another place in this volume the difference is put at 9),000 in- 
stead of 130.000. 'I his discrepancy is explained in this way: 1 he school 
age in Massachusetts differs from that of Georgia by one year. By 
that the figure is ;)0,000. In this address the number of children be- 
tween 5 and 18 yeai's in each State is given. This adds to (^eorgia's 
children of school age about 40,000 children. 



93 

pronounced upon him "who hath his quiver full of them.") 
Moreover, the assessed valuation of real and personal 
property in Massachusetts was, in 1890, 1962 per capita, 
while in Georgia it was but 1^205 ; nor does this take into ac- 
count non-taxable bonds, of which Massachusetts has many 
and Georgia has few. Furthermore, Georgia must provide 
separate schools for the races if either race is educated, as 
Massachusetts would also have to do if her negro popula- 
tion, instead of being only about 1 in 100, as it is, were 47 in 
100, as it is in Georgia. 

Leaving out of consideration for a while the relative 
wealth of the two States, let us state the case in another 
form. Massachusetts, with an area of only about 8,000 
square miles, has a school population of 520,000; while 
Georgia, with an area of 58,000 square miles, has a school 
population of 650,000. It appears, therefore, that Massa- 
chusetts has on an average 65 children of school age to 
every square mile of her territory, while Georgia has only 
11, six of whom are whites and five of whom are blacks. 
Massachusetts can make her school districts of the area of 
only one square mile and have on an average in each dis- 
trict enough children to give an enrollment of not less 
than 50 xnipils with an average daily attendance of 35; 
while Georgia must make a school district of the area of 
six square miles to secure an equal patronage if she should 
educate the races together, or a school district of eleven 
square miles if the races are separated, and her schools for 
whites have an equal constituency with the white schools 
of Massachusetts. But it is manifest that school enroll- 
ment and average daily attendance must be in inverse pro- 
portion to the distance of the children from the school 
house, and that if there is but one school-house to every dis- 
trict of eleven square miles many of the children must be 
at too great a distance to avail themselves of school privi- 
leges. 

When, therefore, Georgia with her 7,500 teachers secures 
an enrollment of 381,000 with an average daily attend- 



94 

ance of 240,000, she has accomplished a far more difficult 
task than that which Massachusetts has accomplished 
when with 10,500 teachers she secures an enrollment of 
376,000 with an average daily attendance of 278,000. Nor 
is this conclusion materially affected by the statement 
that Georgia's schools run only 100 days while the schools 
of Massachusetts continue 170. Massachusetts is better 
able to pay 10,500 teachers for 170 days service than Geor- 
gia is to pay 7,500 teachers for 100 days labor. 

In this discussion I have considered the case of Georgia, 
because of that I am naturally better informed than of the 
case of any other State. But the condition of Georgia is 
very like that of all the southern States. The difficulties 
are the same in all, and the solution of Georgia's difficul- 
ties would be a solution of the school problem of the en- 
tire South. 

In all the South — meaning by the word Kentucky, Vir- 
ginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, 
Arkanesas, Missouri and Tennessee — we have an area of 
about 875,000 square miles, with a total population of 
21,006,888; a school population of 7,250,000; an enroll- 
ment of 4,500,000; an average daily attendance of 3,900,- 
000, and about 100,000 teachers. The children of school 
age in the South make 33 per cent, of the population, 
though the children of school age in the entire Union are 
only 30 per cent, of the population, and in New England 
only 23 per cent. Many rich adults with few children on 
a small area have a school problem of far easier solution 
than that which confronts few adults of moderate means 
with many children scattered over a wide territory. 

To put a school on every square mile of her territory, as 
Massachusetts can now do with her 10,500 teachers and 
only 8,000 square miles of area, the South must increase 
the number of her teachers from 100,000 to 875,000. To 
put a teacher for the children of each race on every square 
mile of her territory, the South must increase the number 



95 

of her teachers to 1,750,000, or a])oiit one-twelfth of her 
entire population must turn to teaching. Her teachers 
would be an army five times as large as her combined 
forces in the field at any time during the war between the 
States — an army which her resources could not long sus- 
tain. 

The facts and figures brought forward in the foregoing 
remarks serve the double purpose of forestalling ungener- 
ous criticism of our common schools by others, and of dis- 
closing to ourselves our difficulties and the remedy for 
them. They show how widely our toiling brave people 
are scattered, and how many thousands of our little chil- 
dren must pine in isolation and die in ignorance despite 
our best endeavors for their relief. 

When a Christian reflects on these hard facts he has no 
disposition for censorious criticism. His heart in- 
stinctively appeals in earnest supplication to the Good 
Shepherd, who leaves the ninety-nine sheltered by the 
fold and goes to seek with anxious care the stray lamb 
upon the mountains. He remembers with comfort how 
the Master one day 'Svhen he saw the multitudes, was 
moved with compassion for them because they were tired 
and lay down and were scattered abroad as^ sheep having 
no shepherd." 

The difficulty with our common schools, "especially the 
schools of sparsely settled communities," is two-fold : the 
lack of (1) more teachers, and (2) the lack of better 
teachers. 

I. We need more teachers. The facts which we have 
been considering drive us to the conclusion that many chil- 
dren are too far from the schools to be enrolled, much 
less to attend regularly. Many others who have been en- 
rolled attend at great disadvantage and hence with great 
irregularity. A rain which raises the water in "the creek," 
a snow which fills the highway and a hundred other things 
common to country life, combine with distance to make 
the school of little or no profit to those who live furthest 



96 

from it — the very class who perhaps most need instruc- 
tion. Teachers and pupils alike are discouraged by the 
enforced irregularities ; the teacher becomes careless be- 
cause care does no good ; the pupil is more confused than 
enlightened by such flashes of knowledge as reach him at 
the intervals of his attendance ; and by and by the teacher 
is without a pupil and the pupil without a teacher, and 
the school closes. The teacher goes to another place and 
a new teacher comes to run the same course of vain effort,, 
intolerable discouragement and inevitable defeat. 

For this difficulty it is clear there is but one remedy. 
The engine is too far from the work to be done. The 
motive power, the schools, must be brought nearer. To do 
this we must have many schools, and perforce, they 
must be small schools. A number of small schools, 
however feeble and insignificant they may appear, 
are more effective in the j^resent condition of our section 
than a few large schools far removed from many of the 
pupils and irregularly attended. 

We cannot hope to place schools as near together as 
they may be placed in New England. Our army of teach- 
ers, after we have done the best we can and have recruited 
their ranks to the fullest extent of our ability, must still 
fight as the confederate forces fought at Petersburg, with 
a thin line of battle and barely in call of each other. It 
will tax our resources to bring them within calling 
distance, and some will regard even a moderate proposal 
to increase their numbers as an unreasonable demand. 
But the demand must be made for doubling the force, and 
we must endure with patience the impatience of those who 
resist this demand. We cannot teach with only 100,000 
teachers 7,250,(t00 children, scattered over an area of 875,- 
(.'00 square miles. To state this proportion is to prove it. 

The South kept in the field during a four year's bloody 
war upwards of 300,000 men. We must keep in the com- 
mon schools at least 200,000 teachers during the next de- 
cade. There is more involved in this war than was in- 



97 

solved in the conflict between the States, and it will cost 
not one-tenth as much to carry it on. To keep 200,000 
teachers in our common schools will mean doubling the 
number of schools and doubling our school appropriations. 
Georgia must have 15,000 teachers instead of 7,500 ; Ken- 
tucky must have 18,000 instead of 9,000. All the rest 
must double their force. In the long run a large force is 
cheaper than a small one. An insufficient fprce leaves al- 
ways an increasing weight of ignorance to be lifted and a 
diminishing power of productive intelligence with which 
to raise it; while a large force diminishes the burden to be 
elevated and multiplies the power which brings it up. 
Teachers do not cost as much as soldiers nor as much as 
policemen. School houses cost less than saloons; educa- 
tion costs less than ignorance. 

II. We need not only more, but also better teachers in 
our common schools, if these schools are to be efficient, 
■" especially in sparsely settled communities." 

I bring no railing accusation against our common school 
teachers. Among them are many of the most patriotic men 
and heroic women who ever toiled and suffered and died to 
bless man in any age or clime. All of them are as good as 
our sh art- term schools and short-pay salaries will permit. 
Our system of short terms and small pay must inevit- 
ably operate to drive out of the schoolroom the best quali- 
fied and retain the least competent teachers. A three or 
five months school, in the nature of the case, cannot be a 
good school for even that brief period. No really qualified 
man or woman can afford to make a profession of any em- 
ployment which supplies work for less than half the year. 
A teacher, like other people, must live twelve months in 
the year, and if his school lasts only three or five months, 
his main engagement must be something else than teach- 
ing, and the work of the school room become a mere side 
issue. To get the best teachers, the salary of a common 
school teacher must be equal to a year's support, and if we 
pay a year's salary, there is no good reason why we should 



98 

not get eight or nine months' work for it. Many of the* 
children, it is true, may not be able to attend for the full 
term, but some of them will be able to do so, and if others^ 
can only attend three months, it is all the more needful 
that they should meet good teachers when they do attend. 
As I have before said, good teachers cannot be had with- 
out long-term schools and long-term salaries. 

Some have fallen into the mistake of supposing that we- 
can improve the grade of our common school teachers by 
the endowment of normal colleges and the like, without 
increasing the appropriations to our common schools. 
This is a delusion which we should dismiss without delay 
If we could restrain the advancing years as Joshua made 
the sun stand still, so that the present generation of chil- 
dren should grow no older whiie waiting for their teach- 
ers to be trained, and if all the while the normal colleges 
and all other colleges were turning out graduates by the 
thousands, we could not draw these qualified men and 
women into the common schools when the machinery was 
again set in motion, unless we paid them living salaries. 
On the other hand, if our colleges were to turn out no 
more graduates for the next ten years, and we would raise 
the salaries in the common schools to the level of a decent 
living, we would secure for most of the schools competent 
instructors. Th:re is not a school in the South offering a 
respectable salary which does not, in the case of a vacancy 
have more applicants than it knows what to do with. But 
cajjable men and women will turn to other employment 
rather than enter schools which do not give teachers a 
living. The more capable we make our college graduates 
the more surely they will go into other lines of labor, as 
long as the pay of teachers in common schools is less 
than the salaries of dry goods clerks and base-ball pitch- 
ers. 

And be it remembered, that small salaries hurt the 
schools for whites far more than they do the schools for 
blacks. Negro colleges, richly endowed by northern be- 



99 

nevolence are turning out many graduates. Coming out 
of these colleges they can not enter the law, medicine and 
other such professions, by reason of the prejudices of their 
own race, as well as by the attitude of the white people. 
They are excluded from merchandise by lack of capital. 
They must enter upon manual labor or teach school. Ail 
ill-paid school will bring them greater remuneration than 
manual labor. Most of them therefore now teach, and 
will do so with or without increased appropriations tO' 
common schools. But with white graduates, to whom 
all the professions are open, it is not so. Most of them, 
and the best of them, will not teach in the common schools 
without living salaries, which provide a year's support. 
In this connection, I venture to suggest that the salary 
system is better than the per diem system for paying 
teachers. The great law of supply and demand which ope- 
rates in all business, (teaching as well as the rest) can 
then work out the much-to-be-desired result of providing 
good schools for both races. A competent negro teacher 
can be had for a smaller salary than a competent white 
teacher. This fact is ignored by the per diem system, and 
by consequence the negro schools often receive more than 
is necessary to secure competent teachers, while the white 
schools receive less than is necessary to secure com- 
petent teachers. By the salary system school author- 
ities may so divide the funds as to secure competent 
teachers for the schools of both races. If any draw 
back from this suggestion as if some horrible in- 
justice were proposed, the remembrance of two facts will 
be sufficient to relieve their minds. 1. School salaries are 
not paid to endow teachers, but to improve schools and are 
to be fixed solely with reference to providing the greatest 
number of good teachers for all the schools. 2. The white 
people pay most of the school taxes and it is surely but 
simple justice that their money should be so expended as 
to secure good schools for their own children rather than 
to provide salaries for negro teachers above an amount 



100 



necessary to secure for the negro schools competent in- 
structors. There is surely no good reason in morals or 
public policy why white schools should be made poorer 
than they might be in order to pay needless salaries to 
negro teachers without improving the negro schools. 

Our common school appropriations must be increased, 
and when increased, they must be administered so as to give 
living salaries for eight months' schools for both whites 
and blacks. This will give us more and better teachers. 

Ill, There is yet one other method by which our com- 
mon schools can be made more efficient. Our people live 
too far apart. They must come together in farm-villages. 
The isolated farm life which we see all around us is with- 
out parallel among any of the civilized nations of Europe 
or Asia, and our common schools can never reach their 
best estate while it continues. 

The multitudes for whom Jesus felt compassion knew 
nothing of the isolation which our country people endure 
They lived in cities and villages and went out to their work. 
In Galilee alone, in the days of the Master, there were 
200 towns, of 15,000 inhabitants and upwards. The same 
mode of life has prevailed in Europe from the most ancient 
times. Our Anglo-Saxon ancestors on the banks of the Elbe 
lived within inclosures which they called "tuns." These 
places secured them against enemies and provided for them 
a rich social life, and from them they went to their daily 
toil. When they had emigrated to Britain, their manner 
of life was not essentially changed. The early settlers in 
our own country also, especially among the Puritans, lived 
somewhat after the same sort. Perils from the savages 
made them huddle together, and forced upon them village 
life. The towns of Hadley, Hatfield, Northfield and 
Deerfield, on the Connecticut river, are to this day notable 
examples of this kind of living — they remain villages of 
agriculturists. The old plantation system of our section 
operated to reverse all this, however, in the South. Homes 
were far apart ; baronial domains stretched between neigh- 



101 

bor and neighbor, and to this day, though the old planta- 
tions have been somewhat broken up into smaller farms, 
our people live too far apart, and the loneliness of rural 
life becomes the fruitful source of untold evils. 

It is difficult to maintain schools and churches with a 
population so widely scattered, and then sub-divided 
among several denominations. The helpless wives and 
daughters at great distance from their natural protectors, 
become fearful and unhappy, as they read from time to 
time of outrages of lust worse than death. By consequence 
the country homes are often sold and agricultural pur- 
suits are abandoned by the people most competent to 
administer such estates, while habitations and employ- 
ment are sought in some neighboring towns or cities where 
the family is secure, and churches and schools flourish. 

The people who can not thus abandon the country are 
thus left by their more fortunate neighbors, more widely 
separated than before, with perils proportionately increased 
and churches and schools weaker than ever. It is evident 
that if this process is long continued it must beget the 
most distressing economic, social, moral and religious con- 
ditions. Our people must be encouraged and helped to 
come nearer together. 

Such a work, it is true, will bring many difficulties, but 
it will overcome far more difficulties than it will create. 
We cannot expect some old homes to be readily aban- 
doned, nor aged persons to forsake the places where for 
years their a 'tar fires have burned, where they have met 
joy and sorrow, where ten thousand memories gather, a:;d 
ten thousand tender affections hold them. 

But the yorng who are making new homes ca.i be in- 
duced to mak . them close together, and the church and 
school -house should be made the rallying center around 
which these homes are made. If as many as a dozen 
families, or even a less number, can be induced to come 
together a nucleus will be formed which will draw others 
in course of time. The long-term school will follow ; 



102 

iDooks and periodicals will be passed from man to man, 
and from home to home ; lectures and concerts will elevate 
and inspire, and a bright, active, intelligent, happy social 
life will take the place of the present weary discontent of 
our agriculturists. 

Agriculture will not suffer from the change, but will be 
improved by the quickened intelligence, deeper content- 
ment, and more joyous life of the people. 

Our rural people are really a sad people. Witness the 
songs that they sing. If a hymn is announced at a coun- 
try church, though its sentiment may be never so joyful, 
it is almost invariably sung to a sorrowful tune. Mel- 
ancholy airs express the melancholy spirit of a people 
made sad bv living too much alone. And thus solitariness 
impairs their productive power — hinders industry, and 
paralyzes invention. How different all would be if a rich 
village life should take the place of the present social lean- 
less among our country people. 

With a brave, strong people dwelling in farm-villages, 
surrounded by the cheerful scenes of a thrifty agriculture ; 
their children learning in well-kept schools ; their homes 
free from fears of rude assault; their churches glorified 
by simple faith and vocal with joyous song; their social 
life sweet and pure, this southern land of ours would be- 
come beautiful as the garden of the Lord — the very gate of 
heaven. 

With such scenes m mind and thinking to-day of all 

that our section has been and wishing for my people the 

best things in all the years to come, I cannot make for the 

South a better prayer than that of Burns for Scotland in 

his "Cotter's Saturday Night:" 

"O Scotia, my dear, my native soil, 

For whom my warmest wish to heaven is sent, 

Long may thy hardy sons of rustic toil 

Be blessed with health, and peace, and sweet content, 

And oh, may heaven their simple lives prevent 

From luxury's contagion, weak and vile. 

Then, howe'er crowns and coronets be rent, 

A virtuous populace may rise the while 

And stand a wall of fire around their much loved isle." 



103 
V. 

'another christian college in the south. 



(In the spring of the year 1889, a movement was begun 
to establish a school of high grade for females, to be loca- 
ted at Decatur, Ga., and to be conducted under Presbyte- 
Tian control and influence. It culminated in the estab- 
lishment of that admirable institution, "The Agnes Scott 
Institute," founded by Col, George W. Scott, and named 
in memory of his mother. On November 12, 1891, the 
beautiful and commodious edifice was dedicated and the 
writer was invited to deliver one of the addresses on that 
occasion. The address which he delivered is printed in 
this volume that it may be read in connection with the 
foregoing utterances, and thereby, his views upon the sub- 
ject of higher education be more clearly and fully under- 
stood. As relevant to such an occasion, he discussed the 
value of "Another Christian College in the South," insist- 
ing upon the truth of Guizot's declaration that "in order 
to make education truly good and socially useful, it must 
be fundamentally religious." His remarks were as fol- 
lows : ) 

My Friends: — I rejoice with you to-day in the dedica- 
tion of this Christian college, founded by a great-hearted 
man to perpetuate the memory of a Christian mother, and 
to educate Christian mothers for the future. I am sure I 
fairly represent the church to which I belong when I 
say, nearly, if not quite, 150,000 Methodists in Georgia 
;salute you to-day with words of congratulation and thanks- 
giving. Georgians of every denomination, and of no de- 
nomination, rejoice with you, and their joy would be even 
greater if they apprehended more fully the significance of 
this occasion. 

What do we here to-day? We dedicate "Another Chris- 
tian College in the South." Such a fact means much. 

Prior to the war between the States, the South had more 
•children in college than did any other section of the 
Union. But war, that fell destroyer and arch-demon of 
«vil, closed our colleges, dispersed their patronage, destroy- 



104 

ed buildings and endowments, and left most of our people- 
too poor to do anything for the rehabilitation of our pros- 
trated institutions. Worst of all, from our poverty and 
other conditions resulting from the war, many of our 
people conceived a- passion for wealth and a hunger for 
mere material prosperity, which has led them to ignore, if 
not despise, higher education. 

And so it has come to pass, from having been the fore- 
most patrons of learning in the country, the southern 
people have become the hindmost. 

New England has one college for every four thousand 
square miles of her territory and five dollar's worth of 
Cdllege property tor every man, woman and child witliin 
her borders; while the South — meaning by the word, Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
Florida, Tennessee, Kentucky, Arkansas, Missi8si2:)pi, 
Louisiana and Texas — has only one college for every seven 
thousand square miles of territory, and one dollar's worth 
of college property per capita for all her people. The 
average New England boy or girl, by reason of superior 
wealth, can afford to go twice as far to college as the 
Southern boy or girl ; but as it is, the New Englander has 
only about half as far to go as the Southerner to reach his 
college, and on arrival finds it five times as well equipped. 
Massachusetts alone, which is about one-sixth as large as 
Georgia, and has ninety thousand less children to educate,- 
has college endowments exceeding in value all the endow- 
ments in the South by a million dollars ; and little Rhode 
Island, whose area is contained in that of Texas over two 
hundred times — so small that if it were lost in Texas, the 
services of a land-surveyor would be required to find it — 
has college property valued at more than a half million 
dollars above the total value of all the college property in 
the Lone Star State. 

And great as is this inequality,it is daily growing great- 
er. Of bequests and gifts to colleges and universities in 
the United States during 1890, institutions north of 



105 

Mason's and Dixon's line, received more than the entire 
value of every sort of college property in the South. The 
amounts received by the institutions of Massachusetts^ 
alone during last year, aggregated considerably more than 
was received by all the southern colleges during the same 
period. The Leland Stanford, Jr. University, with its 
eighty-three thousand acres of land and fifteen million 
endowment, is alone worth more than all the college 
plants in the Southern States. And thus it appears we 
are falling behind even the West in educational enter- 
prise. 

It is well to look these facts squarely in the face and 
set about at once remedying the evil which they suggest. 
It avails nothing to plead our poverty as an offset to them. 
To offer explanations of them and excuses for them does 
no good. That is an easy but very unprofitable task. 
Explanations and excuses can save our reputation only. 
But that does not greatly need saving. We should be 
most concerned to save the generation of boys and girls 
now about us, clamoring for the opportunities of a college 
course. To-day is the day of their salvation. To-morrow 
will be too late, for they will soon pass the age of pupilage- 
and when that is gone, it is gone forever. To save them to 
the purposes of educated, Christian manhood and woman- 
hood, we must rely upon something more substantial than 
plausible explanations of our poverty and fair excuses 
for our illiberality. Nothing will answer for this great 
work but cold cash and warm consecration. 

Because I believe the munificence which founds this 
admirable institution, marks the beginning of a new era 
in the history of education in Georgia, if indeed, I may not 
say a new era in the history of education in the South, I 
rejoice in this hour with joy unspeakable. The Scotts and 
Pattillos and Harrises are harbingers of a brighter and 
better day in this commonwealth.* Their example will be 
contagious, and from them, others will learn the high art 
of giving good gifts to colleges for the glory of God and 

*Eev. W. P. Pattillo, of Atlanta, had given $25,000 and Judge- 
Y, L. G. Harris, of Athens, over $6,000 to Emory College a short- 
time previous. 



106 

the blessing of men. The sight of such men is an inspira- 
tion. The sight of a man who founds such an institution 
as this, is so refreshing, and in the South so uncommon, 
I am tempted to ask our generous friend and brother to 
stand up and let us look at him, and see what manner of 
man is he who believes it better to invest money largely 
for the elevation of the race than to retain it for the grati- 
fication of himself — who finds his chief gratification in 
giving. A man who can do such a thing without dying 
and while still in the flesh is a most uncommon person. 
As great a man as the late Mr. Tilden, was capable of only 
post mortem benevolence. He made an assault with intent 
to give five million dollars to a public charity, but died in 
the act, and his relations have since interposed to prevent 
such an act of violence asrainst the peace and dignity of 
Mammondom. But here is a man, still in life, of souna 
mind and memory, and many years this side of the grave 
(we fondly hope) giving away thousands. It is a most 
uncommon and glorious spectacle. 

But I know his modesty and forbear, forhe is like the 
first king of Israel, not only in that he is head and shoul- 
ders above his fellows, but also in that when the people 
are most inclined to honor him, he is found "hiding in 
the stuff." Saul was a king of inches but one who does 
a deed of benevolence like this, the completion of which 
we witness, is every inch a king. In Europe, kings and 
princes have delighted to establish and endow institutions 
of learning. In this country we must look for such high 
service, not to men of regal birth but of royal souls, and 
with the unconstrained loyalty of grateful hearts we do 
reverence this day to the princely man by whose generosity 
this Christian school is planted. The crown which a lov- 
ing people place upon his brow will provoke no enmity 
;and bring no anxieties, and it 

"Shall new luster boast 

When victors' wreaths and monarch's gems 

Shall blend in common dust." 



107 

While I rejoice at thia dawning of a better day in Geor- 
•gia, I am especially glad that this is to be a Christian 
school. One of the most hopeful facts in the present 
history of the United States is that the higher education 
— and especially that of women — is for the most part in 
^he hands of the churches, and is likely to remain there. 
•Of the 384 colleges and universities in our country, 288 
iDelong to the churches ; and of the 89,000 students in these 
•colleges, there are over 70,000 in the denominational col- 
leges.* 

Moreover, these religious colleges will ultimately be- 
come the richest and best equipped educational institu- 
tions on the continent. Many of them are so already, and 
every year will witness progress in this direction. Col- 
leges and universities must depend m the main upon pri- 
vate benevolence for their equipment and endowment, 
and the vast accumulations of consecrated Christian in- 
dustry will, in the future, be dedicated to the enrichment 
of Christian schools. The wealth of these United States 
is in Christian hands, and the motives which will lead to its 
distribution for benevolent purposes are inspired and in- 
fluenced by Christian instruction and creed. It must fol- 
low, therefore, that most of such benevolence will be be- 
stowed in the future upon Christian institutions. Neutral 
or negative institutions cannot reasonably expect such 
support. And this is well. It guarantees the permanence 
of such gifts and insures the best results from them. The 
church of God never dies. States rise and fall ; policies 
based on the popular will fluctuate with the caprice of the 
masses; personal and private enterprises perish with their 
projectors, but the church of God goes on forever! And 
he who places in her hands the administration of his gifts 
appoints an executor who is immortal, and to whom is 
given the promises of divine guidance and the pledges of 



■•'•"The statistics are four years later, and therefore more accurate 
than the figures given in the editorials taken from the Nashville 
Christian Advocate. 



108 

divine favor "as long as the sun and moon endure, through- 
out all generations." 

Furthermore, for doing the work designed to be accom- 
j)lished by a college, the church, of all institutions, is the 
best fitted. Most students who secure a collegiate educa- 
tion must spend four years away from home. The re- 
ligious influence of the home in thus withdrawn, or oper- 
ates at best under the great disadvantage of distance dur- 
ing the most critical years of life. During these years 
opinions are formed, habits contracted and passions 
aroused which determine the character of all after-life. 
It is indispensible at such a period, if the student is to 
come forth at the end of the four years a Christian, that 
for the home influence which has been withdrawn, there 
shall be substituted in the college the most emphatic and 
distinct religious influence. In a republic like ours, where 
church and State are widely and wisely separated, such a 
definite religious instruction can not be had elsewhere 
than in a denominational college. Doctrinal vagueness 
and ethical generalities are not sufficient to curb youthful 
passions, form youthful opinions and control youthful 
habits as is necessary at such a time. An ambiguous faith 
and an indefinite instruction are not reliable securities 
against the perils which beset a boy or girl at college. 
Guizot said : "In order to make education truly good and 
socially useful, it must be fundamentally religious. It is 
necessary that it should be given and received in the midst 
of a religious atmosphere, and that religious impressions 
and religious observances should penetrate into all its 
parts."* All this I steadfastly believe, and I am glad this 

*Sir Archibald Alison, the author of the "History of Europe dur- 
ing the French Revolution," noting the increase of dej^ravity with the 
spread of knowledge in France said: "It is not simple knowledge, it 
is knowledge detached from religion, that produces this fatal result. 
« * * The reason of its corrupting tendency in morals is evident 
— when so detached, it multiplie-s the desires and passions of the heart 
without an increase to its regulating principles ; it augments the attack- 
ing forces without strengthening the resisting powers, and thence 
the disorder and license it spreads through society. The invariable 
characteristic of a declining and corrupt state of society, is a progres- 
sive increase in the force of passion, and a progi'essive decline in the 
influence of duty." 



109 

school is to be a denominational school— a Christian school 
— for outside the denominations there is no Christianity 
worth speaking of in this or any other land. 

It is well for the people that the higher education of this 
country should be in the hands of the churches. As I see 
it, the church must control with her authority and per- 
meate with her influence the higher education of this great 
nation, or irreligion will become the mark of intelligence 
and ignorance the badge of piety among the people. If 
this should ever l)e the case, godlessness would become the 
fashion and holiness the jest of the people, and "modish 
vice would laugh obsolete virtue ,'out of countenance." 
Ichabod might then be written upon all our institutions, 
for our glory and greatness will have passed away forever 
if such a condition of things shall ever take place. Against 
the approach of such direful possibilities an institution 
like this stands as a fortress of heaven, and he who estal)- 
lishes such an institution works a deed both of patriotism 
and piety for which all men should be grateful. You (ad- 
dressing Colonel George W. Scott, the founder of the In- 
stitute,) owe the public no apologies for placing this 
memorial of your devotion under the direction of the 
church of your faith and love — the church which blessed 
with its benign ministrations your ancestry, and which will 
remain to guide with her instructions the footsteps of your 
posterity. You are rather entitled to the thanks of the 
entire Christian community that at the very outset you 
give to the Agnes Scott Institute a definite, strong, re- 
ligious character. Let him who will, caricature it with 
the bad epithet "sectarian." For one, I thank God a 
Presbyterian has made a Presbyterian college which is not 
to be molluscan in the pulpy vagueness of its instruction, 
but which, vertebrated with a definite faith, will walk up- 
rightly before God and man, bearing the burdens and do- 
ing the work which only an institution thus organized can 
endure. 

It is proper that this ceremony should be enacted 



110 



in the presence of the reverend fathers and brethren of 
the Presbyterian Church inGeorgia met in Synod. Let this 
institution be baptized amid their benedictions and pray- 
ers, and if it shall s rve to make the church of Knox and 
Edwards and Alexander and Hodge and Thornwell 
stronger in this section of the country, it will make this a. 
better land to live in, and will merit the favor of all good 
men. 

Finally, I rejoice that a mother in Israel, whose unwea- 
ried ministries, unseen and unsung of men, produced such 
a son, is honored, through his devotion, by such a monu- 
ment. By it, the name of Agnes Scott will be carried 
down to the latest posterity. Unborn thousands will en- 
shrine that name in their hearts, and rise up to call her 
blessed. That name will be entwined among the school- 
day memories of thousands of girls who in the years to 
come will tarry here awhile, and go hence thanking God 
they ever knew such a place. And when they have grown 
old they will whisper to children's children in accents low 
and loving, the precious name of Agnes Scott. 

In the shadow of the monument, erected to the memory 
of this sainted woman, my mind reverts to the words of 
Robertson, of Brighton, concerning the monumental work 
of the Egyptian princess who cared for the infant Moses. 
He says : "In those days the Pharaohs of Egypt raised 
their memorials in the enduring stone of the pyramids, 
which still remain almost untouched by time. A princess 
of Egypt raised her memorial in a human spirit, and just 
so far as spirit is more enduring than stone, just so far is 
the work of that princess more enduring than the work of 
the Pharaohs; for when the day comes when the pyra- 
mids shall be crumbled into nothingness and ruin, then 
shall the spirit of the laws of Moses still remain interwo- 
ven with the most hallowed of human institutions. So 
long as the spirit of Moses influences this world, so long 
shall her work endure, the work of the royal-hearted lady 
who adopted this Hebrew orphan child." 



Ill 

Ah 1 when one builds a monument like this — a school 
which instructs and inspires human spirits — he builds a 
monument which time cannot corrode or destroy, he builds 
a monument before which the fleeting years pause in pass- 
ing, to write ever new inscriptions of honor and praise. 
How holy, how almost divine is the toil by which is se- 
cured the means to build such a monument ! The homliest 
business is transfigured by it. The merchandise by which 
•^uch gain is got is exalted almost to the level of worship. 
Why, sir, as I have thought of how you were using the 
fruit of your labor for the blessing of men and the spread 
of the truth, your vocation has become suffused with a 
poetic radiance — an epic significance. I have thought of 
you as joining hands with the Almighty power, which,, 
thousands of years ago in preparing this world for the 
habitation of men, slew hecatombs of beasts and creeping 
things, and hid away their bones under the soil of Florida 
that those rich deposits might, in these distant centuries, 
so fertilize the earth as to soften the rigor of the decree of 
toil laid upon the sons of Adam, and multiply seed for 
the sower and bread for the eater. Thither have you gone 
and exhumed them and turned them into a vitalizing 
power which makes the harvest fields of the South to wave 
in double beauty and plenteousness.* But it has not been 
enough for you to unearth hidden resources and quicken 
the fertility of all our fields. You have looked deeper 
than secret treasures, and wider than waving harvests, to 
find the meaning of life and the purposes of God in the 
ages which have gone before and the years which are yet 
to come. You have found in the soul of man the goal to 
which nature has tended from the beginning, and with the 
rewards of your labor, you have sought to develop the 
hidden resources of mind and to enhance the beauty of 
that fairest growth under Southern skies — Christian 
womanhood. 



*An allusion to the extensive phosphate interests of C-'ol. Scott. 



112 

The fields bless such a man with their fragrance and 
fertility, the heavy-headed harvests nod in reverence as he 
passes by, the valleys rejoice and the little hills clap their 
hands. The prattling voice of childhood praises him and 
the faltering accents of the aged call his name in prayer. 
All nature blesses him. The heavens bend kindly above 
him, while from beyond the stars the voice of a sainted 
mother's approval comes softly falling down to mingle 
with the commendations of all good men and the benedic- 
tions of the Almighty Father which rest upon his head to- 
day. 

God be merciful unto you and bless you and cause His 
face to shine upon you ; guide you with His favor in the 
day-time and guard you with His faithfulness every 
night ; establish the work of your hands upon you, and 
make His glory to appear unto your children. 



STATISTICS. 



For the convenience of his readers, and for the confir- 
mation of his argumenijthe writer of this little book adds 
to the foregoing pages the most recent statistics of educa- 
tion in the United States, which he has been able to ob- 
tain. The figures given are from the Neiv York World 
Almanac for 1893, and are reprinted here precisely as they 
appeared in that publication. 

There is a discrepancy between the common school pop- 
ulation of Georgia as given here, and as it is reported by 
the official report of the State School Commissioner. The 
explanation is, that the school age as used here is from 
5 to 18 years — a difference of a year as compared with the 
period covered by the Commissioner's figures. The differ- 
ence thus given in the number of children of school age is 
just about what might be reasonably expected from the 
different methods of calculation employed, and it assures 
us of the approximate accuracy of both the figures here 
given and the statistics of the Commissioner's report. 

The college statistics were compiled with very great 
care, as this writer has reason to know, and may be relied 
upon to be as nearly accurate as such estimates ever are. 



STATISTICS OF EDUCATION. 

THE COMMON SCHOOLS OF THE UNITED STATE?.* 



States 

AND TEKKirOKlES. 



Estima'cl 

Number 
of 

I'ersons 
5 to 18 
Years 

of Age. 



Pupils. 



Whole 
Number 
Enrolled 



jN". Atlantic Die. 

Maine 

!New Hampshire... 

Vermont 

Massachusetts 

Rhode Island 

Couneelicut 

New York 

New Jersey a 

Pennsylvania 

^. Atlantic Div. 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Dist. of Columbia. 

Virginia 

W. Virj;'inia 

N.Carolina 

S. Carolina 

Georgia 

Florida — 

^'. Central JJiv. 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 

Alabiima « 

Mississippi 

Louisiana 

Texhs 

Arkansas 

Oklahoma 

Indian Territory.. 
^V. Central JJiv. 

Ohio 

Indiana 

Illinois 

iMichiuLan 

"Wisconsin 

Minnesota 

Iowa 

;Siissouri 

N. Dakota a 

S. Dakota a 

Nebraska 

Kajisas 

]l'(stcrn Division. 

Montana 

AVyoniing 

Colorado . 

New Mexico 

Arizona a 

Utah 

Nevada 

Idaho 

AVashington 

Oregon 

Caliiornia a 

TOTALS. 

N. Atlantic Div. . 

S. Atlantic Div . . . 

S. Central Div 

N. Central Div 

Western Div.. 



162,300 

84,ti00 

81,180 

5-.i0,o00 

85,380 

10-1,500 

1,4%,000 

370,238 

1,498,300 

48,'200 
308,500 

01.040 
573.200 
202,000 
579,000 
433,800 
052,342 
135,000 

018,200 
017,400 
540,220 
479,400 
387,500 
812,4(10 
410,500 



No. 
of 

Average Teach- 
Daily I ers. 
Attend- 
ance. 






EXI'ENOITURE. 



141,433 

00,195 

04,280 

370,980 

51,482 

128,905 

1,054,044 

234,072 

l,0.iO,C07 

39,492 
189,214 

38,380 
342,720 
198,370 
330,719 
209,559 
381,297 

94,019 

426,487 
483,337 
301,015 
327,855 
130,709 
510,079 
242,119 



1,048,900 
654,300 

1,090,700 
592,400 
5 J 6,200 

o370,678 
583,5091 
851,300 
49,881 
96.302 
333,200 
444,400 



103,062 
42,090 
t45,475 
278,002' 
34,9011 
84,304 
650,017 
133,280 
699,937 

24,350 
100,170 

29,010 
193,530 
123,987 
201,703 
148,003 
240,791 

02,005 



7,314 105 
3,134l 118.7 

1 1,375 tl37 
10,6461 169 



1,455! 

trt4,093 

31,982 

4,465 

24,925 

732 
3,967 

795 
7,718 
5,000 
6,535 
4,263 
7,509 
2,641 



245,409 
337,818 
182,4671 
lur,580 
91,820 
319,100 11,109 
M50,000 5 495i 



9,161 
8,250 
6,318 
7,546 
3,003 



26, 
14. 
96. 
44. 
15, 
71, 
10 

((22 
95 
90 

280 



754,869 

521,841 

799,058 

446,024 

359,257 

«280,960 

503,755 

639,729 

35,543 

78,043 

247,320 

389,570 

19,051 

8,728 

73,391 

22,599 

7,989 

46,794 

7,56S) 

al4,311 

69,010 

72,322 

221,756 



188 

182.3 

185.5 

192 

155.2 

180 

184 

179 

116 
96 
60.3 
70.2 
83.3 

120 

100 

96 

73.5 

85 
100 
116 

75 



For 

Salaries 

Sui)erin- 

tendents & 

Teachers. 



t$838,057 

.539,1-94 

550,000 

15,510,782 

034,417 

1,401,280 

11,193,536 

2,284,585 

7,261,4.56 

a 6225,000 

1,557,828 

549,513 

1,322,097 

864.823 

556,043 

396,331 

1,054,7241 

448,986 

1,925,215 
1,422,925 

6660,000 

1,017,757 

577,865 

2,945,433 

(«809,899 



Total 
Expendi- 
ture. 



! = -5^ a 






25,561 
13,441! 
23,977 
16,109 
12,342 

9,238 al28 
26,769 156 
13,980 

1,982' 

4,640 
10,555 
12,152 



4,409,398! 3,138,064 

3,053,982 1,823,782 

3,871,626} 2,428,201 

6,643,761 5,055,969 

773,999 504,120 



560,293 

369,000 

532,034; 

t298,4()o; 

t204,600 

al27,025| 

317,2671 

412,133: 

20,694j 

48,32' 

146,315 

246,102 

12,093 
t5,800 
43,706 
14.435 

4,702 
20,3 7 

5,3311 

a, 69,500 

44,411 

45,401 

146,589 



2,071,680 92,389 
1,130,2151 39,700 
1,530,194! 50,882 
3,282,850j 170,74(i 
358,325 15,857 



159.9 

130 

147 

154 

158.6 



126.4 

113 

145 

139 

127 



680 

303 

2,534j 

487 

240 ! 

798 

262! 

497 

1,921 

2,641 

5,434 



United States 18,812,766 13,010,136 8,373,264j369,634 134.7 $95,791,090 $148,724,647j 69. 15 §17.76 



156.4 
120 
129.6 
70 
126 
130 
152.4 
«09.8 
101.6 
111.2 
157.6 



166.6 
99.9 
88 

148 

135 



7,210,586 

a4,100,014 

7,085,355 

3,432,689 

2,664,813 

a2,528,(;09 

4,458,590 

' 3,683,342 

381,472 

808,702 

2,194,288 

3,033,761 

267,001 
108,758 

a818,605 

53,724 

127,608 

295,881 

« 135,800 

al21.582 
713,982 
687 528 

3,662,654 



30,220,107 
6,975,945 
9,419,094 

42,182,821 
6,993,123 



§1,485 593 87. 12 §14.41 

890,.583 71.15 21.15 

700. .'')5! I 79.18 15. 41 

8,554,546 72.46 30.70 

l,0.'2,.")!)7 60.30 29.30 

2,107,079 78.30 25.70 

17,320,28(1 70.43; 26.66 

3,340,190] 62.21! 25.06 

13,518,708 68.521 19.31 

280,613! 81.93 11.77 
2,221,281! 61. 33! 20.92 

900,038 61.97! 31.04 
1,036,983 59.80 8.46 
1,360,823! 75.71 10.97 

676,618! 57.12! a. 36 

450,936! 48.31! 3.03 
1,190,354 58.46 4.94 

504,259 09.65 9.10 



2,308,505 68.99 
1,724,059 78.29 
6890,OOo! 55.83 
1,109,088! 66.38i 
867,653^ 33.73 
3,595,029 03.52 11.27 
1,021,337 58.13 6.55 



9.41 
5.10 
4.88 
5.91 
9.45 



10,817,286 71. 

6,403,4>-0: 79. 
13,512,778, 72. 

5,458,84ll 75, 

3,920,377 09, 
04,187,310 «74. 

6.700,249 86. 

5,530,943, 75. 
626,949, 71. 

I,199.(i30| 81. 

3,299,743 74. 

4,424,442 87. 



97 19,31 
75 17.35 
801 25.37 
29' 18.29 
00' 19.17 
,59o32.96 
33 21.13 
15 13.42 
26 30.30 
04 24.82 
23, 22.55 
66 17.98 



577.6011 

262.959 

2,419,513 

81,850i 

181,914 

5o3,935 

173,575! 

« 169,020 

2,120,544; 

1,058,226 

5.187,162 



70.67! 47.76 
60. 55, 45.34 
70.45I 55.36 
51.13! 5.67 
52.72, 38.68 
65.25 20.25 



75.69 
762.00 

72.82 
79.88 
77.38 



32.56 
t(17.79 
47.76 
23.30 
35.39 



49,000,135 70.21 
9,288,505! 59.72 
11,575,671; 62.72 
06,088,028! 76.10 
12,766,308 72.88 



23.65 

8.22 

7.56 

20.13 

35.63 



* Tue above returns are lor lsuo-91, nnd comprise a preliminary statement by the Department 
of Education, subject to correction, t Estimated, a Public school statistics for 1889-90 6 Ap- 
proximately. 

114 



STATISTICS OF EDUCATION. 

UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES OK LIBKRAL ARTS IN THE U. S. 



States and Tek- 
rxtokies, 



Xnrth Atlantic 

J)ivision. 

Maine 

New Hampshire .. 

Venuont 

^lassaclmsetts 

Kliode Island 

Connecticut 

New York 

New Jer.sey 

Pennsylvania 

South Alkintlc 

JJirisioii.. 

Delaware 

^Maryland 

Dist". of Coliunbia 

'S'ir.ninia 

AVest Virjiinia. — 

North Carolina 

South Carolina... 

Geiir<iia 

Florida 

So It tit Central 

Ifirision. 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 

Alabama 

Mississippi 

Louisiana 

Texas 

Arkansas 

Xortli Central 

Li vision, 

Ohio 

Indiana 

Illinois 

3lKhii;an 

Wisconsin 

Minnesota 

J(nva 

jMissouri 

North Dakota 

South J ;akata 

Nebraska 

Kansas 



Western Di vi sion 

Montana 

Wyoming 

Colorailo 

Utah 

Nevada 

Washington 

Oreti'on 

California 

TOTALS 

N. AtlanticDiv... 
S. Atlantic Uiv. .. 
S. Central Div.... 

N . Central Div 

Western Div 



Pkofes's & Instk's. 



c ai i a 






ST^DE^Ts. 






u5 

0) p. 



o a 
a cs 



■S ^ — 



5-i 



119 

5 

100 



42 
11 
13 
14 
48 
48 
14 



248 
80 

218 
66 
54 
71 

125 

152 
14 
58 
53 
78 



37 
IS 
32 
236 
35 

y.) 

423 
100 
32y 



155 
3 

87 
25 
J-3 
74 
4'J 
31 



91 

187 
7"0 
38 

lOj 
95 
23 



350 

186 

288 

164 

135 

132 

200 

232 

16 

47 

78 

140 



19 
31 

153 



257 
223 

296 

1,217 
158| 



1,318 
540 
610 

1,968 
274 



16 
1 

20 
204 

62 
245 



24 
120 
4 
7 
46 
9 



14' 
49 

189 
61 
25 
92 
78 
1 



33 



1 
49 
101 



52 
48 
50 
548 
35 
193 
831 
114 
540 



171 
170 
116 

34 
126 

91 
104 

36 



145 

368 

89 

62 

205 

150 

44 



639 
281 
160 
250 
38 
342 
21 
65 
143 
218 



15 
15 

110 
20 
10 
32 
86 

314 



.. 510 

. . 256 

. . j 239 

392: 2,720, 

326 

..! 1,204' 

2,534 4,464 

72 l,10ll 

1,485 3,298 



81 

532 889 

303 228' 

1951 1,079| 

146i 263 

865[ 1,0191 

353 626! 

291 7261 

463 82 



904 l,244i 

2,214: 2,336 

809| 887 

377i 416 

747 928 

l,595l 1,648 

413 258 



717 4,3891 4,029 

318 1,634 1,897 

3,854 2,701 

1,239| 2,148 



677 

856 

2,796 

2,506 

193 

559 

857 

1,787 



71 
39 
322 
95 
115 
381 
472; 



1,372 

1,125 

2,00i) 

2,007 

38 

133 

457 

942 



13 
13 

132 
17 
48 
73 

376 



70S 2,411 
164 856 
210: 1,053 



1,453 1,186 



4,483 14,118 
3,248 1 4,993 
7,059 7,717 
703] 3,541|.21, 347; 18,849 
1841 61ll 2,948 i 1,858 



102 
56 
51 
62 
51 





102 




98 




203 


302 
26 


1,179 


118 


318 


467 
103 


2,365 
37 


171 


1,246 


276 


"84 
1,075 


6 

2 


307 
26 


17 


234 


i;^ 


61 


5 


185 


5 


361 


49 


957 


4 


30 


20 


47 


16 


513 


4 


149 




50 


258 
56 


1,264 
337 


530 


2,336 



316 
493 
739 
267 



52 



4 

123 

387 



1,187 5,548 
319 1,972 
2,107 



1,223 
36 



7,257 
566 



612 
462 
442! 

4,8571 
352 

2,031 
10,859, 

1,354 

6,833 



81 
1,885 
1,860 
1,593 

424' 
2,407| 
1,364' 
2,152, 

545 



2,514 
6,094 
1,730 
1,080 
3,821 
3,546 
1,082 



12,190 
4,281 

10,472 
5,384 
2,602 
2,994 
7,042 
5,791 
232 
1,008, 
1,8011 
3,945 



127 

75 

1,160 

335 

163 

056 

1,127 

3,308 



27,802 
12,316 
19,872 
57,742 
6,951 



89,117 
72,000 
58,766 
571,150 
70,000 
278,501 
036,552 
108,062 
317,080 



4,500 

126,907 

68,000 

134.050 

6,200 

72,100 

54,000 

49,300 

7,240 



55,910' 
100,531 

36,200' 

22,950' 
124,600 

25,606 
6,050 



303,272 
148,100 
177,173 
153,427 
94,900 
53,221 
110,297 
134,015 
5,700 
10,539 
33,366 
62,832 



1.200 

2,300 

20,944 

10,000 

1,932 

7,700 

16,600 

99,412 



2,201,228 
522,297 
372,447 

1,286,842 
160,088 



United States, 



430 2.151 4,719 1,969 8,472 39,085 47,535 2,863 17,450 124,6S4 4,542,902 



STATISTICS OF EDUCATION. 

UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES OF LIBERAL ARTS IN THE U. S. 



States 
ANi> Territories 



N. Atlantic 

Division. 

Maine 

New Hampshire. . . 

Vermont 

Massachusetts 

Rhode Island 

■Connecticut 

New York 

New Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

S. Atlantic 

Division. 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Dist. of Columbia 

Virginia 

W. Virginia 

N. Carolina 

S. Carolina 

Georgia 

Florida 

S. Central 

Division. 

Kentucky 

Tenne-^see 

Alabama 

Mississippi 

Louisiana 

Texas 

Arkansas 

N. Ceyitral 

Division. 

Ohio 

Indiana 

Illinois 

Michigan 

Wisconsin 

Minnesota 

Iowa 

Missouri 

N. Dakota 

S. Dakota 

Nebraska 

Kansas 

Western Division. 



Montana 

Wyoming 

Co'lorado 

New Mexico 

Arizona 

Utah 

Nevada 

Idaho 

Washington 

Oregon 

California 

TOTALS. 
N. Atlantic Div . . 
S. Atlantic Div... 
S. Central Div.... 
N. Central Div . . . 
Western Div 



Value of 
Scientific 
Appara- 
tus, 
1890. 



$80,000 



Value of 

Grounds & 

Buildings, 

1890. 



125,000 
1,020,000 



109,0.30 

2,005,733 

51,200 

619,300 



United States . 



204,050 
30,000 

340,800 
20,2001 

131,000 

30,000, 

97,300: 

8,075! 



74,500 
233,550 
60,500 
58,550 
89,950 
61,081 
740 



478,953 

217,300 

270,800 

675,527 

214,663 

219,138 

126,225 

236,550 

10,000 

29,7201 

71,000 

175,300 



25,000 
1,000 



3,850 

13,200 

372,700 



54,010,863 

876,425 

578,871 

2,725,176 

444,050 



Permanent 

Productive 

Funds, 

1890 



Income fob the Year 1890. 



From From 
Product- 1 State or 
iveFunds M 'nicip'l 
Aid, 



From 

Tu tion 

Fees. 



Total 
Income. 



Benefac- 
tions,1891 



$650,000 



375,000 
5,013 000 

625,000 
1,400,000 
7,li59,374 

495,000 
5,599,000 



75,000 

1,449,000 

1,000,000 

1,681,100 

235,000 

827, .500 

600,000 

848,000 

75,000 



779,750 
2,175,000 
922,000 
409,500 
1,131,.533 
832,800 
103,000 



5,001,235 
2,025,00 I 
3,187,825 
1,094,865 
2,418,500 
2,437,824 
1,664,000 
2,381,000 
180,000 
355,000 
1,043.000 
1,762,050 



1,500 113,000 
3,000 150,000 
23,800 1,700,000 
5,500 



240,000 
150,000 



578,000 

302,000 

1,909,088 



$21,816,374 

6,791,500 

6,353,583 

24,150,299 

5,147,588 



$1,245,000 



529,436 

10,641,083 

980,8.36 

4,710,811 

16,362,158 



4,C8G,241 



83,000 

3,035,000 

430,000 

1,391,048 

188.150 

357,806 

203,000 

775,202 

20,000 



1,177,000 

1,847,400 

325,000 

574,000 

1,616,313 

662,000 



5,072,062 
1.711,129 
3,849,569 
1,508,062 

891,510 
1,324,876 
1,231,714 
1,975,207 
25,000 
11,000 
1,236,700 

463,500 



3,000 
' 354,000 



12,000 

237,000 

2,232,596 



$64,.591 



22.501 
576,304 



232,682 

860,354 

39,400 

264,566 



4,980 
52,250 
25,512 
77,116 
11,409 
25,271 
16,580 
50,949 

1,000 



67,750 
121,100 

25,500 

33,743 
105,255 

43,800 



284,904 
99,253 

203,411 

103,724 
63,092 
63,537| 
81,043 

119,938 

3,000 

1,000 

48,710 

26,917 



3,000 
' ' '966 



1,400 
14,249 
125,392 



$39,155,505 $2,060,398 
6,483,206 
6,201,713 
19,300,335 
2,929,596 



265,06' 

397,148 

1,098,529 

144,941 



$8,400 



149,118 



14,675 
23,000 
40,000 
25.000 
20,125 
53,0.50 
1,065 



400 
800 



.300 
17,500 
12,500 



126,600 
23,000 
46,044 
194,820 
112,570 
65,000 
54,000 
34,400 
23,400 
36,850 
80,000 
72,125 



28,750 
28,000 



5,000 
11,277 

98,348 



8157,518 
176,915 
31,500 
868,809 
171,375 



$30,395 



5,383 
438,931 



225,821 

542,434 

14,000 

332,872 



360 

100,222 

77,216 

80,540 

5,500 

46,4541 

28,360! 

19,000' 

7,3*) 



2,874 



3,950 
1.188 



10,400 
24,727 
61,835 



,986 $2,C00 



48,003 

1,424,872' 

496^0961 

1,738,7571 
58,100i 
639,130 



7,140 

'168,127 

134,775 

222,431 

41,909! 

111,049 

123,040 

92,514 

19,821 



70,488 


140,966 


151,092 


364,324 


22,784 


82,524 


22,034 


64.247 


76,778 


209,88J 


65,856 


139,228 


10,031 


13,181 


222,273 


738,344 


100,154 


232,241 


213 990 


628,018 


154,05.-! 


500,133 


61,613 


315,160 


41,613 


228,749 


136,218 


328,101 


237,905 


399,213 


1,800 


32,100 


6,500 


52.035 


13,204 


145,541; 


81,172 


244,549 



10,238 



62,000 

2,688 



39,384 
28,000 



650 
384.355 
222,119 
457,986 
1,391,276 
25,000 
450,270 



128,860 

' 414,666 

2,550 

253,000 

24,600 

149,350 

10,003 



132,200 
53,448 
18,525 
40,000 
100,710 
103,078 
5,500 



413,189 

109,150 

141,127 

76,493 

205,380 

143,000 

772,300 

163,965 

7,040 

28,512 

06,097 

99,800 



171,276 



16,800 8,849 

5,744 3,050 

312,772! 70,700 



$1,599,8361 

364.982 

410.063i 

1,270,495! 

110,608 



$4,499 944 $2,933,656 

92O.8O61 982,363 

1,014,353 452,461 

3,844.1891 2,226.8.53 

522,626 253,875 



$8,635,385 $64,259,344] $74,070,4151 $3,966,083i $1,406,117, $3,764,984, $10,801,918^ $1,849,208 



119 

INDEX. 



Agricultural Land Scrip. .32, 55, 56, 57, 66, 67, 71, 72, 73 

Alison, Sir Archibald 108 

Amherst College 39 

Anderson, Hon. Thomas F 47 

Arminianism 52 

Atlanta University 35 

B , 

Barnett, Hon. Samuel 39 

Baptists in Georgia, 1829 75 

Blackmar, Prof 36 

Boyesen, Prof. H. H 37 

Bowdoin College 36, 39 

Brantley, Dr. W. T., Sr 75 

Brown, Charles McDonald Brown Fund 35 

Brown, Chancellor 75 

Brown University 36, 39 

C 

Calvinism 52 

Church, Dr. Alonzo 75 

Church Schools 8, 9, 38, 47, 48, 49, 81-87 

Clark, Gov. John 76, 79 

Clark, Hon. John T : 9 

Colleges in United States 8 

Columbia College 39 

Common Schools, Appropriations thereto by State of 

Georgia 11,27,28, 29 

Common Schools, Children of School Age 14 

Common Schools, Country Children, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21 

Common Schools, Funding Bill, 1873 77, 78 

Common Schools, How to make Successful 91 

Common Schools of New England (See New England). 



120 

Common Schools, Statistics of United States 113-116 

Common Schools, Rental of W. & A. R. R 4, 26 

County Academies 19, 20, 23 24 

Crawford, Hon. Wm. H • • • • 24 

Curry, Dr. J. L. M 40 

Cuthbert, Agricultural College 33 

D 

Dartmouth College 36 

Dahlonega Agricultural College 33 

Deljt, Claimed )jy the University from the State, 31, 35 

Denominational Colleges in United States 8, 9, 10 

Disestablishment and the Disestablished 88 

E 

" Educational Bill of 1889." 4 

Educational Statistics United States 113-116 

Emory College 3, 14, 18, 50, 51, 65, 79, 80, 105 

Emory College, Alumni 9, 10 

Emory College, Curriculum 50 

Emory College, Patronage 66 

Emory College, Sub-Freshman Department 66 

F 

Farmers' Alliance of Putnam County 5, 22 

Farm Villages 100, 101, 102 

Finley, Chancellor 75 

G 

Gilmer Fund 35 

Gordon Institute, Barnesville 16, 66 

Guizot 108 

H 

Hammond, Hon. N. J. 3, 5, 6, 7, 23, 31-79 

Hampden and Sydney College 39 

Hand, Hon. I. H 56, 57, 71, 72 

Harris, Judge Y. L. G 105 



121 

Harvard University 3g 39 39 

Haygood, Bishop A. G 49 52 

Higher Education in United States .' 81 

Hill, Hon. A. C 56,57,71, 72 

Hillyer, Hon. Junius 20 

Hopkins, Dr. Isaac S 73 74 

I 

Industrial College for Girls 34 

J 

Jones, Hon. C. C g3 

Jones, Mr. Charles Edgeworth 26, 35, 63 

K 

Kentucky, Common Schools of 97 

L 

Lamar, Hon. L. Q. C 9 

Longstreet, Judge A. B 7g 

M 

McWhir, Rev. Wm 24 

Massachusetts, Educational Work in 36 

Meagley, Prof. W. E 66 

Meigs, Chancellor 75 

Mell, Dr. Patrick H 14, 20 79 

Mercer University .... 4. 9 53 61 

Mercer University, Duty of Baptists to .' 19 

Methodists in Georgia, in 1829 75 

Milledgeville, Agricultural College 33 

Military Institute, (Ga.) See Moreland Park Academy 

Milledge Land Gift 35 

Moreland Park Academy 16 

Morris, Mr. Sylvanus 52, 53 

Moses, Hon. R. J 5I 

N 

New England, Appropriations to Colleges 36 

New England, Appropriations to Common Schools. . . 36 



122 

New England, Colleges 104 

New England Academies 23 

New England, Kducational Policy 36 

North Carolina, University of 39 

Nunnally, Dr. G. A 4, 13, 19 



Olin, Dr. Stephen 75, 76 

Orr, Dr. J. G 27, 41 

P 

Palmer, Dr. B. M 40 

Pattillo, Rev. W. P 105 

Pierce, Bishop George F 40, 48 

Pound, Prof. Jere M 53 

Pennsylvania, University of 39 

R 

Ripley, Rev. Henry J 75 

S 

Schley, Governor 25 

Scott^ Mrs. Agnes 103, 110 

Scott, Agnes, Institute 103, 112 

Scott, Col. George W 103, 105, 109 

Seney, Mr. George 1 51, 68, 69, 70 

Sherwood, Rev. Adiel 75 

Smith, Governor James M 32 

South Carolina, University of 39 

Stephens, Hon. A. H 14, 20, 75 

Strickler, Dr. G. B. 74 

T 

Technology, School of 33, 34 

Terrell Bequest 35 

Thomasville Agricultural College 33, 34 

Tilden, Hon. Samuel J 106 

Troup, Governor George M 76, 79 



123 

U 

University of Georgia 129 

University of Georgia, Act of 1830 46, 47 

University of Georgia, Alumni of 9, 15, 18, 37 

University of Georgia, Appropriations thereto 4 

11, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33 
University of Georgia, Report Board of Visitors 1881 



16 
62 
55 

34 



48 
51 
66 
35 
61 



University of Georgia, Charter Amended 41 

University of Georgia, Curriculum 39, 49, 50, 65 

University of Georgia, "Debt Due" 31 

University of Georgia, Funding Bill, 4, 33, 58, 59, 60 
University of Georgia, Free Tuition, 4, 32, 39, 46, 47 

48,49,59, 65 

University of Georgia, Income 12, 35, 44 

University of Georgia, Land Scrip diverted to, 32, 55 

56, 57, 66, 67, 71, 72, 73 

University of Georgia, Lottery for 29 

University of Georgia, Sub-Freshman Department, 65, 66 

University of Georgia, Unfair Policy 3, 4^ 37 

V 

Vicious and Oppressive Policy 85 

Virginia, University of 12, 18, 39 

Virginia, University of, Tuition Fees 39 

W 

Waddell, Chancellor 75 

Washington and Lee University 39 

Western and Atlantic R. R., Use of its Rental 4, 26 

Wesleyan Female College 69 

William and Mary College 83 

Wrightsville, School at 16 

Y 

Yale College 36, 39, 89 






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